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GALLE, December 1, 2014
Updated: December 1, 2014 12:37 IST
Indian Ocean has to remain a zone of peace: Ajit Doval
PTI
National Security Advisor Ajit Doval
If the Indian Ocean has to contribute to the prosperity
of different nations, it is necessary that it remains a zone of peace,
National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval said on Monday.
He
was delivering the keynote address at the ‘Galle Dialogue’, held in Sri
Lanka's southern coastal town of Galle. Evoking a 1971 UNGA resolution,
on the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, Mr. Doval
said it was important to revisit the resolution mooted by Sri Lanka then
“calling upon great powers not to allow escalation and expansion of
military presence in the Indian Ocean.”
Mr. Doval’s
remarks come at a time when India has been voicing serious concern over
China’s growing military presence in the island. In October, Sri Lanka’s
Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was in New Delhi for a meeting
with Mr. Doval and Defence Minister Arun Jaitley where New Delhi raised
the issue of a Chinese submarine calling at the port in Colombo.
In his address on Monday, Mr. Doval said India has been a status quoist
power in the region for 5,000 years, but it had no aggressive design or
strategic reason for dominance that is detrimental to any other
country.
He called for cooperation between countries
to tackle challenges such as piracy, drug smuggling and human
trafficking. India would enhance trilateral cooperation with Sri Lanka
and the Maldives, he said, stressing the need for maritime security for
prosperity. Over 100 representatives from 36 countries participated in
the event with the theme Cooperation & Collaboration for Maritime
Prosperity’, organised by Sri Lanka's Ministry of Defence and Urban
Development.
Updated: December 16, 2014 01:11 IST
New wars on the Cold War relic
Revisiting the Indian Ocean zone of peace concept, which has led to long debates since 1971, may prove hazardous in the present context, because the rivalry that is taking shape in the region is between the U.S. and its allies, and China.
The National Security Adviser, Ajit Doval, has sought to revisit the U.N. General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 2832 (XXVI) declaring the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace,
and which has called upon the great powers not to allow an escalation
and an expansion of military presence in the Indian Ocean. (The Hindu, December 1, 2014). The expectation is that it can be used as a device to prevent China from holding sway in the Indian Ocean.
While the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace (IOZOP), in its original form,
appears relevant in the present context, the innumerable problems India
has faced on account of the resolution and the U.N. Adhoc Committee on
the Indian Ocean must be recalled before we take any formal initiative
in this regard. Sri Lanka, our comrade in arms in the IOZOP initiative,
has played games with us even in the happier days of India-Sri Lanka
relations and when China was not in the picture. The new narrative in
the Indo-Pacific may not be congenial to depending on Sri Lanka or any
other neighbour to deliver on the IOZOP in accordance with our
interests.
The formulation
The idea of IOZOP goes back to the days of the 1964 Cairo Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement, which had expressed concern over the efforts of the imperialists to establish bases in the Indian Ocean and declared that the Indian Ocean should not be a battleground for the big powers. The Lusaka Declaration (1970) refined the idea further and it led to the UNGA resolution, which proposed the IOZOP strictly in the context of the raging Cold War at that time.
The idea of IOZOP goes back to the days of the 1964 Cairo Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement, which had expressed concern over the efforts of the imperialists to establish bases in the Indian Ocean and declared that the Indian Ocean should not be a battleground for the big powers. The Lusaka Declaration (1970) refined the idea further and it led to the UNGA resolution, which proposed the IOZOP strictly in the context of the raging Cold War at that time.
The UNGA resolution said: “the Indian Ocean, within limits to be
determined, together with the air space above and the ocean floor
adjacent thereto, is hereby designated for all times as a zone of
peace”. It went on to define the zone of peace not as one where there
was an absence of war or of a state of peace and tranquillity, but
specifically about the great powers halting and eliminating all bases,
military installations and logistical facilities, and the disposition of
nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction. It also envisaged
universal collective security in the region without military alliances.
Ships would have the right to unimpeded use of the zone, except warships
posing a threat to the littoral and hinterland states of the region.
In subsequent years, in the Adhoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, which
was set up under the aegis of the U.N. disarmament machinery, the
concept divided rather than united permanent members and the littoral
and hinterland states. The permanent members, except China, did not
support the original resolution. France, the United States and the
United Kingdom kept out of the committee as they felt that they had been
directly targeted and the Soviet Union had participated in the work of
the committee, paying lip service to the notion of a zone of peace.
Australia was the spokesperson of the West, which raised questions on
the feasibility of the elimination of foreign military presence.
Regional interpretations
Till the end of the Cold War, India stuck to the purist interpretation of the zone as an area free of foreign military presence, particularly bases and other facilities, conceived in the context of great power rivalry. Implicitly, India did not object to the movement of warships, as long as they did not threaten the regional states. Indira Gandhi reiterated this position at a press conference in Moscow, making the Soviet presence legitimate, even though there were reports that the Soviet Union was seeking to establish bases in Somalia and elsewhere.
Till the end of the Cold War, India stuck to the purist interpretation of the zone as an area free of foreign military presence, particularly bases and other facilities, conceived in the context of great power rivalry. Implicitly, India did not object to the movement of warships, as long as they did not threaten the regional states. Indira Gandhi reiterated this position at a press conference in Moscow, making the Soviet presence legitimate, even though there were reports that the Soviet Union was seeking to establish bases in Somalia and elsewhere.
“The innumerable problems India has faced on account of the U.N.
resolution and the U.N. Adhoc Committee on the Indian Ocean must be
recalled before we take any formal initiative in
this regard.”
After a meeting of the littoral and hinterland states in 1979, India
became acutely aware of a hidden agenda on the part of Sri Lanka and
others to draw attention to the increasing strength of India, posing a
threat to the smaller states in the region. Sri Lanka was not loath to
have an American presence in the Indian Ocean as a stabilising factor.
President Jayewardene said at one point that he did not know whether Sri
Lanka wanted the Americans to get out of the Indian Ocean and even
hinted that the interests of regional countries differed.
Pakistan began to emphasise “denuclearization” of the Indian Ocean after
the Indian tests of 1974 and took the initiative of a Nuclear Weapon
Free Zone in South Asia, which was strongly opposed by India. The
polarisation was palpable in the Adhoc Committee. Consequently, the
possibility of a Colombo Conference to implement the Declaration became
remote. India did not find it helpful to hold the Colombo conference
without the participation of the great powers. Nor did India participate
fully in the Indian Ocean Marine Affairs Cooperation (IOMAC) on the
plea that it detracted from the concept of the zone of peace by inviting
the great powers to it.
A fallout of the debate in the Indian Ocean Committee was that India and
Australia had become antagonistic to each other. Australia began
complaining about the growth of the Indian Navy and also countered India
at disarmament forums, particularly at the Comprehensive Test Ban
Treaty (CTBT) negotiations. At one point, K. Subrahmanyam maintained
that the confrontation in the Indian Ocean should be treated as being
triangular rather than bipolar as he felt that the military presence of
the super powers was directed against the autonomy of the Non-Aligned
countries.
China had taken a position of tactical support to the zone, as its
presence in the Indian Ocean was not in focus. As a proclaimed supporter
of the developing countries, China expressed solidarity for the
littoral and hinterland states in seeking to eliminate foreign military
presence. The focus on the Indian capabilities, which emerged in this
context, was also a welcome development for China. It claimed legitimacy
for itself as a permanent member of the Security Council and as an
Asian power.
Shift in focus
After the end of the Cold War, the dynamics in the Committee underwent a sea change, with India itself shifting the focus of the zone of peace from the elimination of foreign military presence to one of cooperation between the major powers and the littoral and hinterland states. The debate became increasingly an embarrassed ritualisation of the demilitarisation effort. India’s joint exercises in the Ocean with multiple partners legitimised the presence of various navies including that of the U.S.
After the end of the Cold War, the dynamics in the Committee underwent a sea change, with India itself shifting the focus of the zone of peace from the elimination of foreign military presence to one of cooperation between the major powers and the littoral and hinterland states. The debate became increasingly an embarrassed ritualisation of the demilitarisation effort. India’s joint exercises in the Ocean with multiple partners legitimised the presence of various navies including that of the U.S.
The Adhoc Committee soldiered on without a particular focus, merely
recalling the old resolution and emphasising the need for the permanent
members and major maritime users to join in an effort to bring about a
balance in the Indian Ocean. From an arena of the Cold War, the
Committee became ritualistic without a clear focus or agenda. Naturally,
new threats, such as piracy, terrorism, drug trafficking, etc were
brought in, making it a forum to combat non-state actors rather than the
great powers.
Revisiting the zone of peace concept, which has led to the long debates
since 1971 may prove hazardous in the present context, because the
rivalry that is taking shape in the region is between the U.S. and its
allies, and China. With the kind of support China demonstrated in
Kathmandu among the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
(SAARC) countries, it is possible that the zone of peace idea will turn
into a move to counter the U.S. as a foreign presence and to seek some
balance between India and China in the Indian Ocean. China might well
gain a status similar to India and strengthen its capabilities there.
International focus on India’s naval acquisitions, present and future,
may well become counterproductive. According to Admiral Arun Prakash,
there are not many navies, worldwide, which have seen, in recent years,
or are likely to see such significant accretions to their
order-of-battle. “This force build-up, once complete, will not only
enhance the Navy’s combat capability by an order of magnitude, but would
also alter the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region.”
A way out
The greatest resistance to the revival of the IOZOP will come from those who will argue that the idea itself is outdated as the Cold War and great power rivalry are non-existent. They are likely to remind us that we ourselves had stressed the Cold War angle more than anything else. Others will begin highlighting the spirit of cooperation that has dawned in the Indian Ocean and lamenting that India is reviving old ghosts. The U.S. may also look at the concept negatively as it will impinge on its own activities. China will marshal support to campaign against the concept of the zone, from which they are sought to be excluded. In other words, a new IOZOP will have even less chance of success than the old one.
The greatest resistance to the revival of the IOZOP will come from those who will argue that the idea itself is outdated as the Cold War and great power rivalry are non-existent. They are likely to remind us that we ourselves had stressed the Cold War angle more than anything else. Others will begin highlighting the spirit of cooperation that has dawned in the Indian Ocean and lamenting that India is reviving old ghosts. The U.S. may also look at the concept negatively as it will impinge on its own activities. China will marshal support to campaign against the concept of the zone, from which they are sought to be excluded. In other words, a new IOZOP will have even less chance of success than the old one.
A strategy of enhancing cooperation between the littoral and hinterland
states and external powers without the reference to the IOZOP may have a
greater chance of success. India has special strengths in combating
piracy, alleviating natural disasters and trafficking. The involvement
of the U.S. in fighting terrorism may be of an advantage. China has
already taken note of India’s inclinations in the Asia-Pacific and
offered cooperation to avoid the “Asia Pivot” and to adopt an
alternative Chinese vision. An opportunity exists for us to develop a
third plan of engagement between the regional countries and external
forces for fruitful cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.
(T.P. Sreenivasan was India’s representative to the U.N. Adhoc
Committee on the Indian Ocean from 1980 to 1983 and from 1992 to 1995.)
Updated: March 23, 2014 08:50 IST
In Indian Ocean waters, India, China show maritime prowess
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Earlier this week, China requested India for permission to deploy four
naval vessels in the waters of the Andaman Sea, as the search for the
missing Malaysia Airlines Boeing 777 widened across the waters of the
Indian Ocean.
India turned down the Chinese offer to search its own backyard, and
replied to the formal request by detailing its extensive search efforts
under way in the Indian Ocean, including the deployment of four naval
warships and the new P-8I aircraft, all demonstrating the capabilities
of the Indian Navy.
The search for MH370 is undoubtedly an entirely humanitarian exercise,
and one that has become unprecedented both in scale and in terms of
international cooperation - a dozen countries, including several
embroiled in maritime disputes over the South China Sea, have put aside
their spats as they have willingly followed Malaysia's lead in the
search for the Boeing.
At the same time, the search has also served to demonstrate the new
capabilities of the navies of Asia - navies that have been fast
modernising at a time of record increases in military spending across
the region.
China's People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has in recent days rapidly
deployed eight vessels to scour the South China Sea. On Friday, warships
were sent to search the southern Indian Ocean, where four Indian naval
warships are also deployed in the search for debris.
Experts in India and China said this week the search has underlined an often ignored aspect of India-China relations.
While the long-running boundary dispute across the Himalayas has
remained at the focus of attention for most observers, the
fast-expanding engagement - and encounters - between their navies as
they spread their presence across the Indian and Pacific Oceans has
sometimes been ignored, said Lou Chunhao, a strategic affairs expert at
the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations in Beijing.
"Now, China under [President] Xi Jinping is paying more attention to
'going west', and as India 'looks east', there will be more interaction
[in the Indian and Pacific oceans]," he said.
Mr. Lou was speaking at a rare event in Beijing highlighting India-China
relations in the maritime domain. The event was being held to mark the
launch of what is possibly the first ever Chinese translation of an
Indian book on foreign policy, according to the Chinese publishers,
authored by foreign affairs expert C. Raja Mohan on the growing
India-China maritime rivalry.
"China's dependence on the Indian Ocean region is continuing to grow,
for energy imports from the Gulf, resources from Africa, and trade with
Europe," Mr. Raja Mohan said.
Since December 2008, China has been involved in Gulf of Aden anti-piracy
operations. Earlier this year, the PLAN held its first-ever major
exercise in the Lombok Strait in the southern Indian Ocean.
This year, President Xi Jinping also launched a new "maritime silk road"
initiative aimed at boosting trade links and maritime engagement with
littoral countries in the Indian and Pacific Oceans.
With China's maritime presence in the Indian Ocean set to expand along
with its economic interests, the question for India - and its strategic
community - was how to engagement with this new reality.
"You cannot build a great wall against Chinese maritime presence," Mr. Raja Mohan said.
In India, most commentaries still highlight China's so-called "string of
pearls", referring to port projects China is involved in Pakistan, Sri
Lanka, Myanmar and Bangladesh that some analysts suggest may later
become military bases, although there is, as yet, no evidence to suggest
so.
China has maintained these are purely commercial. "Chinese ships going
to the Indian Ocean region and the only purpose is for security of
energy supplies," said Ma Jiali, a senior South Asia scholar at the
China Reform Forum. About the Hambantota project in Sri Lanka, he said
it was to be remembered that the project was first offered to India,
which turned it down.
Mr. Raja Mohan said Indian and Chinese strategic communities were
"talking past each other for most of the time". He hoped the translation
of his book would "begin a process of getting Chinese books translated
into English, and Indian books into Chinese, and getting strategic
communities to understand each other a lot better".
His book has been translated by the official China Publisher Group. Xiao
Qiming, who heads the China Democracy and Legal System Publishing
House, which is a subsidiary, said the idea was to begin direct
interaction between both countries on strategic issues, rather than, as
was the case at present, rely on third-party works from western sources.
"By publishing in China, this will given an opportunity for us to
understand political and diplomatic ideas of India, and we hope this
will add value to taking forward maritime cooperation between the two
countries," he said.
While I see no reason for the Chinese Navy to ‘audit’ the Indian
Navy’s search, I don’t understand what is so secret about the waters
around the Andaman Islands that the Indian Navy seems to be so
sensitive about. Time and time again the armed forces have come in the
way of harnessing the commercial potential of the strategically placed
islands. Learn from next-door Singapore, a tiny island country, which
has used its location to develop into a regional economic powerhouse.
And, ironically, that fact ensures its safety.
Btw, it was rather sad to know that Indian radars in these ‘sensitive’
islands were found sleeping when the missing plane could have been
passing by. Good surveillance job indeed!!
from:
S salim
Posted on: Mar 23, 2014 at 15:10 IST
China never leaves any opportunity to show its growth let it be in Industrial sector or defence. The recent example of China's initiative for search operation in the MH370 is one more in the basket. India on the other hand specially at International arena lacks the leadership skill. Even She has failed at regioal level e.g. SAARC and BIMSTEC are struggeling for its survival.
from:
ashwin
Posted on: Mar 23, 2014 at 09:36 IST
With its past aggression on territorial expansion, China seems to be doing more harm to its economic interests especially with India. Countries all over the world are now realising China's true style of international diplomacy – one that is ruthlessly opportunistic and selfish and misdirected by egotistic approach of their leaders.
from:
Hari
Posted on: Mar 23, 2014 at 07:15 IST
Copyright© 2014, The Hindu
The Indian Ocean Region
Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace
UN General Assembly Resolution 2832 (XXVI)
16 December 1971
16 December 1971
The item "Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace" was included in the agenda of the 26th General Assembly in 1971 at the initiative of Sri Lanka and, subsequently, the United Republic of Tanzania. It led to the adoption of Resolution 2832 (XXVI), by which the Indian Ocean, within limits to be determined, together with the airspace above and the ocean floor subjacent thereto, was designated for all times as a zone of peace. In 1972, the General Assembly established the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean, to study practical measures to achieve the objectives of the Declaration. At the Ad Hoc Committee on Indian Ocean, 451st Meeting (PM) on 26 July 2005 the representative of China "called for common efforts for countries inside and outside the region to maintain peace and stability in the region and to establish the Zone of Peace at an early date. To that end, the major Powers outside the region should eliminate their military presence in the Indian Ocean region."
Text of Declaration
The General Assembly,
Conscious of the determination of the peoples of the littoral
and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean to preserve their
independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to
resolve their political, economic and social problems under
conditions of peace and tranquillity,
Recalling the Declaration of the Third Conference of Heads of
State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Lusaka
from 8 to 10 September 1970, calling upon all States to consider
and respect the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace from which great
Power rivalries and competition as well as bases conceived in
the context of such rivalries and competition should be
excluded, and declaring that the area should also be free of
nuclear weapons,
Convinced of the desirability of ensuring the maintenance of
such conditions in the Indian Ocean area by means other than
military alliances, as such alliances
entail financial and other obligations that call for the
diversion of the limited resources of the States of the area
from the more compelling and productive task of economic and
social reconstruction and could further involve them in the
rivalries of power blocs in a manner prejudicial to their
independence and freedom of action, thereby increasing
international tensions,
Concerned at recent developments that portend the extension of
the arms race into the Indian Ocean area, thereby posing a
serious threat to the maintenance of such conditions in the
area,
Convinced that the establishment of a zone of peace in the
Indian Ocean would contribute towards arresting such
developments, relaxing international tensions and strengthening
international peace and security,
Convinced further that the establishment of a zone of peace in
an extensive geographical area in one region could have a
beneficial influence on the establishment of permanent universal
peace based on equal rights and justice for all, in accordance
with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United
Nations,
1. Solemnly declares that the Indian Ocean, within limits to be
determined, together with the air space above and the ocean
floor subjacent thereto, is hereby designated for all time as a
zone of peace;
2. Calls upon the great Powers, in conformity with this
Declaration, to enter into immediate consultations with the
littoral States of the Indian Ocean with a view to:
(a) Halting the further escalation and expansion of their military presence in the Indian Ocean;(b) Eliminating from the Indian Ocean all bases, military installations and logistical supply facilities, the disposition of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction and any manifestation of great Power military presence in the Indian Ocean conceived in the context of great Power rivalry;
3. Calls upon the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian
Ocean, the permanent members of the Security Council and other
major maritime users of the Indian Ocean, in pursuit of the
objective of establishing a system of universal collective
security without military alliances and strengthening
international security through regional and other co-operation,
to enter into consultations with a view to the implementation of
this Declaration and such action as may be necessary to ensure
that:
(a) Warships and military aircraft may not use the Indian Ocean for any threat or use of force against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of any littoral or hinterland State of the Indian Ocean in contravention of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations;(b) Subject to the foregoing and to the norms and principles of international law, the right to free and unimpeded use of the zone by the vessels of all nations is unaffected;(c) Appropriate arrangements are made to give effect to any international agreement that may ultimately be reached for the maintenance of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace;
4. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the General
Assembly at its twenty-seventh session on the progress that has
been made with regard to the implementation of this
Declaration;
5. Decides to include in the provisional agenda of its
twenty-seventh session an item entitled "Declaration of the
Indian Ocean as a zone of peace".
Ad hoc committee on Indian ocean adopts report to General
Assembly, 26 July 2005
Ad Hoc Committee on Indian Ocean, 451st Meeting (PM)
Over the years, the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean had not been able to reach agreement on the manner of implementation of the 1971 Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, but the validity of the objectives and the vision of the Declaration remained unchanged, its Chairman Prasad Kariyawasam (Sri Lanka) told the Committee today.
The General Assembly declared the Indian Ocean a zone of peace by resolution 2832 (1971). It called upon the great Powers to enter into immediate consultations with the littoral States of the Indian Ocean with a view to halting the further escalation and expansion of their military presence in the Indian Ocean. The Declaration upheld the need to preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the States of the Indian Ocean region and sought to resolve political, economic and social issues affecting the region under conditions of peace and security.
Speaking as the Committee met to adopt its report to the Assembly, Mr. Kariyawasam said that, since the adoption of the Declaration, the situation in the world, particularly in the Indian Ocean, had undergone a major transformation, including the end of super-Power rivalry which had prevailed in the context of the cold war. Today, there were a number of cooperative initiatives aimed at bringing about socio-economic development, such as the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). However, new threats, such as terrorism, were now affecting the regional stability and security. Also, disarmament and arms control efforts in the region had lagged behind. It was, therefore, clear that there was still ample room to develop measures to realize in general objectives of the Declaration.
The Ad Hoc Committee was the only United Nations body that had the capacity to address security issues in a broader sense involving all interrelated aspects, he continued. A possibility now existed of exploring a new approach to the scope of the Committee’s work and it might even become necessary to consider revision of the Declaration. There was a wide range of proposals, including that the Ad Hoc Committee should function as a forum for littoral and hinterland States, the permanent members of the Security Council and major maritime users to discuss their security interests. Regrettably, three permanent members, namely, France, United Kingdom and the United States, had not yet changed their position on non-participation.
He said, following consultation with Committee members, there appeared to be a general sense that further time would be needed before the Committee could embark on any discussion on practical measures to ensure peace and stability in the Indian Ocean. The Committee might, therefore, recommend that the General Assembly should allow further time for consultations on how measures in the Declaration could be considered in a more focused manner.
The representative of Indonesia said there was a need to develop a concrete and practical framework for regional cooperation and to establish a formal and pragmatic partnership. The tsunami tragedy had underlined the imperative necessity for such a partnership. The Asian-African Summit Meeting held in Jakarta in April had adopted a Declaration on Asian-African Partnership. That partnership would create a region at peace with itself and the world at large. The partnership was committed to strive for greater multilateralism and would promote a culture of peace and tolerance among religions and cultures. It would also promote cooperation in such areas as trade, industry, finance, energy, health, tourism, agriculture and water resources. Effective cooperation would require, among other things, capacity-building, technical assistance and joint efforts to mitigate natural disasters.
Ad Hoc Committee on Indian Ocean, 451st Meeting (PM)
Over the years, the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean had not been able to reach agreement on the manner of implementation of the 1971 Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, but the validity of the objectives and the vision of the Declaration remained unchanged, its Chairman Prasad Kariyawasam (Sri Lanka) told the Committee today.
The General Assembly declared the Indian Ocean a zone of peace by resolution 2832 (1971). It called upon the great Powers to enter into immediate consultations with the littoral States of the Indian Ocean with a view to halting the further escalation and expansion of their military presence in the Indian Ocean. The Declaration upheld the need to preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the States of the Indian Ocean region and sought to resolve political, economic and social issues affecting the region under conditions of peace and security.
Speaking as the Committee met to adopt its report to the Assembly, Mr. Kariyawasam said that, since the adoption of the Declaration, the situation in the world, particularly in the Indian Ocean, had undergone a major transformation, including the end of super-Power rivalry which had prevailed in the context of the cold war. Today, there were a number of cooperative initiatives aimed at bringing about socio-economic development, such as the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). However, new threats, such as terrorism, were now affecting the regional stability and security. Also, disarmament and arms control efforts in the region had lagged behind. It was, therefore, clear that there was still ample room to develop measures to realize in general objectives of the Declaration.
The Ad Hoc Committee was the only United Nations body that had the capacity to address security issues in a broader sense involving all interrelated aspects, he continued. A possibility now existed of exploring a new approach to the scope of the Committee’s work and it might even become necessary to consider revision of the Declaration. There was a wide range of proposals, including that the Ad Hoc Committee should function as a forum for littoral and hinterland States, the permanent members of the Security Council and major maritime users to discuss their security interests. Regrettably, three permanent members, namely, France, United Kingdom and the United States, had not yet changed their position on non-participation.
He said, following consultation with Committee members, there appeared to be a general sense that further time would be needed before the Committee could embark on any discussion on practical measures to ensure peace and stability in the Indian Ocean. The Committee might, therefore, recommend that the General Assembly should allow further time for consultations on how measures in the Declaration could be considered in a more focused manner.
The representative of Indonesia said there was a need to develop a concrete and practical framework for regional cooperation and to establish a formal and pragmatic partnership. The tsunami tragedy had underlined the imperative necessity for such a partnership. The Asian-African Summit Meeting held in Jakarta in April had adopted a Declaration on Asian-African Partnership. That partnership would create a region at peace with itself and the world at large. The partnership was committed to strive for greater multilateralism and would promote a culture of peace and tolerance among religions and cultures. It would also promote cooperation in such areas as trade, industry, finance, energy, health, tourism, agriculture and water resources. Effective cooperation would require, among other things, capacity-building, technical assistance and joint efforts to mitigate natural disasters.
The representative of China called for common efforts for countries inside and outside the region to maintain peace and stability in the region and to establish the Zone of Peace at an early date. To that end, the major Powers outside the region should eliminate their military presence in the Indian Ocean region. All parties should observe principles such as non-aggression, equality and peaceful coexistence. States in the region should not seek any armament in excess of their legitimate national defence needs and avoid accumulation of weapons of mass destruction.
The representative of Australia said that, regrettably, the
Committee had yet to find a productive direction for its work. The opportunity
for substantive work in the Committee remained poor. Time and resources devoted
to the Committee should remain limited, until such a time that a work programme
was agreed upon and substantive work could begin.
The Ad Hoc Committee adopted its agenda (document A/AC.159/L.135) and the draft report to the General Assembly (document A/AC.159/L.136), which was introduced by its Rapporteur, Modeste Randrianarivony (Madagascar). The report recommended to the Assembly that the Chairman be requested to continue informal consultations with the members of the Committee and to report through the Committee to the Assembly at its sixty-second session.
In other action, the Ad Hoc Committee elected Mr. Kariyawasam (Sri Lanka) as its Chairman, and Ben Milton (Australia) and Adam Tugio (Indonesia) as vice-chairs. Filipe Chidumo (Mozambique) was re-elected as a vice-chair.
Current members of the Ad Hoc Committee are: Australia, Bangladesh, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Germany, Greece, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Japan, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Malaysia, Maldives, Mauritius, Mozambique, Netherlands, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Poland, Romania, Russian Federation, Seychelles, Singapore, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Thailand, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Nepal, South Africa and Sweden are observers.
The Ad Hoc Committee will meet again at a time to be announced.
The Ad Hoc Committee adopted its agenda (document A/AC.159/L.135) and the draft report to the General Assembly (document A/AC.159/L.136), which was introduced by its Rapporteur, Modeste Randrianarivony (Madagascar). The report recommended to the Assembly that the Chairman be requested to continue informal consultations with the members of the Committee and to report through the Committee to the Assembly at its sixty-second session.
In other action, the Ad Hoc Committee elected Mr. Kariyawasam (Sri Lanka) as its Chairman, and Ben Milton (Australia) and Adam Tugio (Indonesia) as vice-chairs. Filipe Chidumo (Mozambique) was re-elected as a vice-chair.
Current members of the Ad Hoc Committee are: Australia, Bangladesh, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Germany, Greece, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Japan, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Malaysia, Maldives, Mauritius, Mozambique, Netherlands, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Poland, Romania, Russian Federation, Seychelles, Singapore, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Thailand, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Nepal, South Africa and Sweden are observers.
The Ad Hoc Committee will meet again at a time to be announced.
U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION ON INDIAN OCEAN AS ZONE OF PEACE
International Legal Materials
Vol. 11, No. 1 (JANUARY 1972), pp. 217-219
Published by: American Society of International Law
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20690864
Vol. 11, No. 1 (JANUARY 1972), pp. 217-219
Published by: American Society of International Law
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20690864
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International Legal Materials © 1972 American Society of International Law
...and I am Sid Harth
