Pratap Bhanu Mehta Cries for Dead Sanskrit VII

8. The citations are, in order, vss. 11, 6, 8 (cf. 12–26), 13, 26.
9. Jonara
̄ja’s glosses include those on the
S
́
r ̄
ıkan
Ω
t
Ω
hacarita
and the
Pr
Ω
thv ̄
ıra
̄javijaya
(published) and on the
Kira
̄ta
̄rjun ̄
ıya
(unpublished).
10. S
́
r ̄
ıvara
Ra
̄jataran
̇
gin
Ω
̄
ı
1.1.9 –12; 3.6. S
́
r ̄
ıvara’s second work is the
Katha
̄kau-
tukam
(Curious Tales), a translation/adaptation (“in the deathless language of Sanskrit,”
by a “master of the language of the Yavanas,” as he styles himself ) of Abd-ur-Rahman
Ja
̄m ̄
ı’s
Yu
̄suf o Zulekha
̄
(Herat, 1484). Here again we hear his
cri de coeur
of cultural
rupture: “Not a single great poet is left to teach the men of today, who have so little tal-
ent for poetry themselves” (1.12). The work has remained unstudied since Schmidt
1893, 1898.
11. A date before 1160 has been proposed for the original (De 1927). S
́
r ̄
ıvara includes
verses composed by Jonara
̄ja, and several dozen hymns from Jagaddhara. Living con-
temporaries are represented as well, such as S
́
r ̄
ıbaka, mentioned in S
́
r ̄
ıvara’s
Ra
̄ja-
taran
̇
gin
Ω
̄
ı
1.7.37– 38 as a eulogist of the Sultan’s. His poems in the anthology suggest a
courtier writing ephemera.
12. When S
́
r ̄
ıvara speaks of literary production among his contemporaries, it is
“des
́a” (regional) literature, which refers to
Persian,
not Kashmiri (cf. 1.4.37– 39). On
the
Baha
̄rista
̄n-i Sha
̄h ̄
ı,
see Habib and Nizami 1993 [1970]:737.
13. Only two texts are known to me: the
I
̄
s
́varas
́ataka
(One Hundred Hymns to God)
of Avata
̄ra (fl. 1600), a
s
́les
Ω
a
or punning poem entirely lacking the argument or aesthet-
ic of the best older examples (cf. Bronner 1999); and the unpublished
A
̄
nandaka
̄vya
of
A
̄
nanda (ca. 1650), a
pratilomaka
̄vya,
or text readable both left to right and right to left.
14. Representative is Ra
̄ja
̄naka Ratnakan
Ω
t
Ω
ha of the mid-seventeenth century (grand-
son of the Avata
̄ra just mentioned). His careful transcriptions preserved a number of
works for posterity, especially from the generation of the 1140s (including the
Ra
̄ja-
taran
̇
gin
Ω
̄
ı,
see Stein 1900:45ff., with corrections required by Kölver 1971:13ff.). His
considerable learning is manifest in his commentary on the ninth-century
Yudhis
Ω
t
Ω
hira-
vijaya
of the Kerala poet Va
̄sudeva.
15. See
Ra
̄jataran
̇
gin
Ω
̄
ı
7.1090 – 92 (trans. Stein). On the earlier interruption, which
produced only the poetry of Abhinanda, son of the logician Jayanta, see Ingalls et al.
1990:28ff.; on the scholarship of the epoch, especially the important work of Mukula-
bhat
Ω
t
Ω
a, McCrea 1998:306 – 66.
16. See
S
́
r ̄
ıkan
Ω
t
Ω
hacarita
1.56; 25.5, 8, 9, 112 (this despite the fact that Man
̇
kha was
a court official under King Jayasim
Ω
ha; see 3.66 and
Ra
̄jataran
̇
gin
Ω
̄
ı
8.3354). Such senti-
ments were not unprecedented; cf.
Vikrama
̄n
̇
kadevacarita
18.92 (ca. 1075).
17. He claims only to offer a sketch for greater writers to fill in (vs. 17), but this has
not happened. Modern historiography is thin and tendentious. Modest exceptions are
Habib and Nizami 1993 [1970] and Khan 1994.
18. Pp. 147– 48, and vs. 1070 –71. The passage does not appear in the S
́
a
̄rada
̄ recen-
sion, but probably derives from contemporaneous historical materials (ed. Kaul 1967:16).
See also p. 146 on the “ascendancy given to the Hindukas” under the Sultan. On the ear-
lier period of unrest under Su
̄habat
Ω
t
Ω
a and Sultan Sikandar (r. 1389 –1413), cf. Khan
1994, esp. p. 8.
19. The exhaustive bibliography of Rajasekhara (1985b:2:9 – 65) lists not a single en-
try relevant to these questions.
20. On these two phenomena, see Pollock 1998a and 1996:209 ff.
21. The brothers Sa
̄yan
Ω
a and Ma
̄dhava, ministers of Harihara I (1336 – 56) and Buk-
ka (r. 1356 –77), are best known for their vast commentary on all four Vedas, the first
such totalizing exegesis in Indian history. But Sa
̄yan
Ω
a also wrote on literary criticism
(the
Alan
̇
ka
̄rasudha
̄nidhi,
cf. Sarasvati 1968); his poetry anthology,
Subha
̄s
Ω
itasudha
̄ni-
dhi,
was published by Krishnamoorthy in 1968. 22. Typical is Salu
̄va Goppa Tippa Bhu
̄pa
̄la, governor under Devara
̄ya II, who com-
mented on the literary treatise of Va
̄mana, and wrote serious works on music and dance
(contrast Stein 1989:124).
23. From the court of Devara
̄ya II (r. 1424 – 46). Arun
Ω
agirina
̄tha D
Ω
in
Ω
d
Ω
ima’s
Ra
̄ma
̄-
bhyudaya;
from that of Kr
Ω
s
Ω
n
Ω
adevara
̄ya, the
Bha
̄rata
̄mr
Ω
ta
of Diva
̄kara (the
Na
̄ra
̄-
yan
Ω
as
́ataka
of Diva
̄kara’s brother, Vidya
̄kara, was no courtly production, despite the ed-
itor’s claim); from that of Acyutadevara
̄ya (r. 1530 – 42) the
Acyutara
̄ya
̄bhyudaya
of
Ra
̄jana
̄tha D
Ω
in
Ω
d
Ω
ima, and poems from the royal women, starting with Gan
̇
ga
̄dev ̄
ı’s
Ma-
dhura
̄vijaya
at the court of Bukka. (On the D
Ω
in
Ω
d
Ω
ima family, see Aiyangar 1941, 1942.)
24. Madras R no. 3717 (chapters 1–20); R no. 3002 (21– 39), and a portion preserved
in Calcutta (RASB Sanskrit Catalogue vol. 7, no. 5181) are all modern transcripts from
a single palm leaf ms. On Diva
̄kara, see Raghavan 1947.
25.
Ka
̄vyana
̄t
Ω
akamarmajña
(cf.
Epigraphia Indica
1:365.15),
kavita
̄pra
̄vi
̄
n
Ω
yaphan
Ω-
ı
̄s
́a,
and
sakalakala
̄bhoja
(all found in the
Ja
̄mbavat ̄
ıparin
Ω
aya
discussed below).
26. His chief minister, Sa
̄luva Timmappa, is known for a commentary on the
Campu
̄
Bha
̄rata
of Ananta. The literary activities of one of his foremost court literati, Lolla
Laksm ̄
ıdharades
́ika (like Diva
̄kara an immigrant from Orissa), consists almost exclu-
sively of commentaries.
27. Some works attributed to the king are those of his court poets (the
Rasamañjar ̄
ı,
for example, is Diva
̄kara’s, as per the colophon of Bha
̄rata
̄mr
Ω
tam 21). But he is called
the author in the play itself (1.9), and there seems no reason to doubt it.
28. See Nilakanta Sastri and Venkataramanayya 1946:II:143 vs. 6 on the acquisition
of the princess; Rajasekhara 1985a:110 on the king’s new
birud
Ω
a.
The
Ra
̄yava
̄cakamu
(ca. 1600) further corroborates the mytho-historical parallel (Wagoner 1993:146, 156;
Ayyangar 1919:116).
29. Earlier examples include the Karn
Ω
asundar ̄
ı of Bilhan
Ω
a (ca. 1080), the Lalitavi-
grahara
̄ja of Somadeva (1153), and the Pa
̄rija
̄tamañjar ̄
ı of Madana (1215).
30.
Ja
̄mbavat ̄
ıparin
Ω
aya
Act 5, prologue [109], vs. 8ff., and vs. 42.
31. Compare, for example, the growth of historicist referentiality in the genre of the
spring-festival play, from Ka
̄lida
̄sa’s
Ma
̄lvika
̄gnimitra
(fourth century) to King Harsa’s
Ratna
̄val ̄
ı
(seventh century) to the plays mentioned above, n. 29.
32. A short love poem (six verses) unique among the works of Kr
Ω
s
Ω
n
Ω
adevara
̄ya’s reign
is attributed to the wife he acquired by conquest and later forsook, Tukka
̄, daughter of
Gajapati Prata
̄parudra of Orissa (see Ayyangar 1919:143 – 44;
Vijayanagara Sexcente-
nary Volume,
p. 18). The fact that it is in Sanskrit is its most interesting feature.
33. A celebrated teacher in Varanasi in the early 1600s had students from Dravid
Ω
a,
Gurjara, Ka
̄nyakubja, Pas
́cimades
́a, Ma
̄lava, Braja, Mithila
̄, Himalaya foothills, Karn
Ω
a
̄-
t
Ω
a, Utkala, Konkana, Gaud
Ω
a, Andhra, Mathura
̄, Ka
̄marupa (
Ga
̄d
Ω
hivam
Ω
s
́a
̄nucarita
of
S
́
ankara Bhat
Ω
t
Ω
a, ca. 1650, cited in Shastri 1912:9).
34. De 1960:2.252; Gerow 1977:287. Jaganna
̄tha cleaves to the past in rejecting one
great innovation of the age, the theorization of
bhaktirasa,
the aesthetic sentiment of de-
votion (
Alan
̇
ka
̄rakaustuba
of Kavikarn
Ω
apu
̄ra, fl. 1575), see
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara
pp. 55 – 56.
35.
Jagada
̄bharan
Ω
a, Pra
̄n
Ω
a
̄bharan
Ω
a,
and verses in
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara
in praise of Sha
̄h
Jaha
̄n (cf. see Sharma 1958:v).
36. For a detailed account, see Pollock 2001.
37. On N ̄
ılakan
Ω
t
Ω
ha see Gode 1942, and Minkowski, forthcoming. For Ga
̄ga
̄bhat
Ω
t
Ω
a’s
role in S
́
iva
̄j ̄
ı’s coronation see Bendrey 1960. Ga
̄ga
̄’s place in seventeenth-century in-
tellectual history is discussed in Pollock 2001.
38.
Bha
̄nucandracarita
4.69ff. Bha
̄nucandra himself received honors from Akbar
(cf.
Ka
̄vyapraka
̄s
́akhan
Ω
d
Ω
ana
vs. 2), and taught Abu-l Fazl the
S
Ω
ad
Ω
d
Ω
ars
́anasamuccaya
and other works for his review of Hindu culture in the
Ain
(Desai’s ed. of
Bha
̄nucan-
dracarita,
p. 28). Siddhicandra himself is mentioned nowhere either in Akbar’s mem-
oirs or Jahangi
̄
r’s.
39. Abu-l Fazl is cited in Vanina 1995:223, Akbar (from the
Ain
) in Desai’s ed. of
Bha
̄nucandracarita,
p. 2.
40. We find both pure Sanskrit (the
Rah ̄
ımka
̄vya
) and hybrid (the Sanskrit-Hindi
Madana
̄s
Ω
t
Ω
aka
); see Naik 1966. Persian translations are discussed in Ernst, forthcom-
ing.
41. His arguments against Mammat
Ω
a go back at least to the mid-twelfth-century (cf.
Na
̄t
Ω
yadarpan
̇
a
[ed. Baroda], pp. 159 – 60). See
Bha
̄nucandracarita
4.87– 90, 102– 4 for
Siddhi’s Sanskrit education.
42. The last term (
akhan
Ω
d
Ω
opa
̄dhih
Ω
) echoes, or is echoed by, Jaganna
̄tha (
Rasaga-
n
̇
ga
̄dhara
p. 8, as Parikh also notes, p. 9), though Jaganna
̄tha employs the term in ref-
erence to insight (
pratibha
̄
), the cause, not the definition, of literature. That Siddhican-
dra saw himself as a new intellectual is clear from his discussion of
rasa,
pp. 16 ff. (see
also pp. 59 ff.).
43. Gode was first to identify Kav ̄
ındra with Bernier’s pandit (Gode 1954; cf. also
1945:xlvii–lvii).
44. Of the sixty-nine names mentioned, only a few are known. A second collection
was made of poems in Brajbha
̄s
Ω
a
̄ (Divakar 1966).
45. His commentaries on
Das
́akuma
̄racarita
and
S
́
atapathabra
̄hman
Ω
a
have both
been printed; for his still-unpublished
Kav ̄
ındrakalpadruma
see IOL Sanskrit Ms.
5:1499. Also probably his is
Jagadvijayachandas,
a sequence of rhyming epithets in
praise of Jahanghi
̄
r (ed. Kunhan Raja 1945:xxix–xxxiii). His Hindi works are
Jña
̄na-
sa
̄ra
(cf. Gode 1945:xlviii and references; ed. Rahurkar 1969), and the
Kav ̄
ındra-
kalpalat[ik]a
̄,
“bha
̄s
Ω
a
̄kavita
̄ni” in honor of Sha
̄h Jaha
̄n and Da
̄ra
̄ Shikoh (ed. 1958; cf.
Raghavan 1953). For his library, see Ananta Krishna Sastry 1921; note that Jaganna
̄tha’s
works, some adorned with canonizing commentary, are included (
Bha
̄min ̄
ıvila
̄sasat
Ω
ı
̄ka
̄,
no. 1908,
Ganga
̄lahar ̄
ı
1912,
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara,
1950).
46. Compare
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara,
p. 365 (
5
Sharma 1958:vs. 76) and
Biha
̄ri
̄
-ratna
̄kar
Appendix 2, vs. 123;
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara
p. 258 (
5
Sharma 1958:62 vs. 127), and
Satsai
̄
no. 490. Cf. also Mathuranath Shastri,
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara,
p. 28.
47. On Rah ̄
ım’s adaptations see Chaudhuri 1954:12–18.
48. The
Samprada
̄yakalpadruma
(
sam
Ω
vat
1729
5
AD 1673) was composed by the
self-described grandnephew of Jaganna
̄tha (the ms. has been removed from Kankroli to
Baroda, and is now inaccessible to me). The passage (reproduced in Athavale 1968:418)
reads:
sa
̄hasuta
̄ gahi gan
̇
ga
̄som
Ω
mukti la ̄
ı jhat
Ω
apat
Ω
[“he married the daughter of a Sa
̄ha
(Shah, Muslim), and found release in the Gan
̇
ga
̄ straightway”].
49. So Sharma (1958:viii). The traditional view holds the poems to be “the produc-
tion of his enemies” (Ramaswamy Sastri 1942:21).
50. Ed. Sharma 1958:190, vss. 584, 585.
51. Compare the verse on a Hindu boy by Khusrau (1253 –1325): “My face becomes
yellow because of a Hindu beloved / O pain! He is unaware of my condition. / I said,
‘Remove the weariness of my desire with your lips.’ / He smiled and said, ‘na
̄h ̄
ı, na
̄h ̄
ı’”
(trans. Sunil Sharma). I owe the suggestion of a
mahbu
̄b
parallel to Muzaffar Alam and
Shamsur Rahman Faruqi.
52. The former is the attack on Bhat
Ω
t
Ω
oj ̄
ı D ̄
ıks
Ω
ita’s
Praud
Ω
hamanorama
̄
(“The Sophis-
ticated and Charming [Commentary]”), which he titled, vulgarly,
Praud
Ω
hamanorama
̄ku-
camardana,
“Fondling the Tits of the ‘Sophisticated and Charming [Commentary]’.”
The latter is found in his
Citram ̄
ıma
̄m
Ω
sa
̄khan
Ω
d
Ω
ana
(prologue vs. 3). 53.
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara
intro. vs. 6. There are admittedly precedents in work no doubt
known to Jaganna
̄tha (the
Prata
̄parudrayas
́obhu
̄s
Ω
an
Ω
a,
for example, or the
Ujjvalan ̄
ıla-
man
Ω
i
).
54.
Bha
̄min ̄
ıvila
̄sa: S
́
a
̄ntivila
̄sa
vss. 27, 31, 33.
55.
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara
p. 42.
56. Ed. Sharma 1958:69 –70, vss. 3, 10.
57. The poem is
Dayitasya gun
Ω
a
̄n anusmarat ̄
ı
(ed. Sharma 1958:71, vs. 18); see the
discussion in
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara
p. 109.
58. For Part 1, mss. offer anywhere between 100 and 130 vss.; Part 2, 101–184; Part
4, 31– 46. Those for the
Karun
Ω
avila
̄sa
show no significant variation (Sternbach 1974:57
n. 292, Sastri 1942:66).
59. The
Bha
̄min ̄
ıvila
̄sa
goes unmentioned in the
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara
(Sastri 1942:26,
64 – 5) and thus was probably the poet’s last (
contra
Na
̄ges
̄a on
Rasagan
̇
ga
̄dhara
vs. 6).
60. Munro’s report was never published in full; Arbuthnot 1855 gives a precis.
61. In the hierarchy of social esteem
s
́a
̄bdikas,
“philologers or teachers of general lit-
erature,” as Adam calls them, were at the bottom,
naiya
̄yikas
or logicians at the top (Basu
1941:173).
62. See Basu 1941:257, 260, 266, 272; 183 and 177. The exception is the
Pada
̄n
̇-
kadu
̄ta
of
Kr
Ω
s
Ω
n
Ω
ana
̄tha Sa
̄rvabhauma
(court of Raghuna
̄tha Ra
̄ya of Nadia, 1723). A sim-
ilar situation prevailed in the Panjab in the 1870s (Leitner 1971 [1882]:79 – 86; the most
recent text is the twelfth-century
Nais
Ω
ad ̄
ıyacarita
).
63. This is true even of texts on rhetoric as late as the eighteenth century. Manuscripts
of Cirañj ̄
ıva’s
Ka
̄vyavila
̄sa
(written in Dhaka in 1703), for example, are found across
north India.
64. Consider Adam’s catalogue of literary works of the most prolific Sanskrit writer
in Bengal, Raghunandana Goswami (Basu 1941:264 – 65).
65. For Maharashtra, see also Parulekar 1953, vol. 1:3 – 88, esp. 71, for pandits’ anx-
ieties about the continuation of emoluments from the time of the Peshwas.
66. On the new dance-drama (
kuruvañci
), see Peterson 1998. Among Sanskrit liter-
ary works (cf. Raghavan 1952:41 ff.), only Ra
̄mabhadra D ̄
ıks
Ω
ita’s
Patañjalicaritam
and
S
́
r
Ω
n
̇
ga
̄ratilakabha
̄na
stand out, but constitute no historic break.
67. Jai Singh II (r. 1700 – 43), if modernizing in astronomy and city planning, adhered
to an archaic Brahmanical culture in his personal and political life (cf. Horstmann
1994:87, 91).
68. The anti-Hindu Sanskrit tract,
Matapar ̄
ıks
Ω
a
̄
(Examination of Views), written by
the missionary John Muir in 1839, is examined in Young 1981. On Vidyasagar, see
Hatcher 1996.
69. The verse is attributed to Bhat
Ω
t
Ω
a Tauta (fl. 950; cited by Ruyyaka on
Ka
̄vyapra-
ka
̄s
́a
1.1); cf. also
Ya s
́astilakacampu
̄
vs. 25.
70. Not everyone agrees with Valéry, to be sure. Braudel believed it is more often a
question of “sinking into sleep” than dying; that civilizational roots “survive many a rup-
ture” (1980:209 –10). This requires a definition of “civilization,” however, that renders
the concept useless for history.
71. Fuhrmann 1983, and Dagron 1969.
72. See, generally, Longosch 1990, and more specifically, Ijsewijn and Sacré 1993.
73. Even the utopian proposals to make Latin the language of Europe (being no one’s
mother tongue, it would disadvantage no one, Ijsewijn and Sacré 1993:54) are paralleled
in post-Independence debates on the national language (Ramaswamy 1999).
74. Pollock 1998a. A superb brief account of the French case is Fumaroli 1992.
75. Warder 1972:8, 217, where he adds, “In the darkest days [
ka
̄vya
] kept the Indian tradition alive. It handed on the best ideals and inspired the struggle to expel tyrannical
invaders.”
76. Pollock 1998a. On Kes
́avda
̄s (at the court of Indrajit of Orccha, fl. 1600), see Mc-
Gregor, forthcoming. I have learned much about Kes
́avda
̄s from reading Allison Busch’s
University of Chicago dissertation in progress, “The Courtly Vernacular: The Transfor-
mation of Braj Literary Culture, 1590 –1675.”
77. That modernity is as much a function of institutions as of sensibilities is an in-
sight I owe to conversations with Sudipta Kaviraj.
78. Sen and Mishra 1951; Parulekar 1953:1:25 – 8 (I thank Veena Naregal for the lat-
ter reference).
79. See further in Pollock 2001.
list of references
primary sources:
Bha
̄nucandra[gan
Ω
i]carita
of Siddhicandra. Edited by M. D. Desai. Ahmedabad, Cal-
cutta: Sanchalaka-Singhi Jaina Granthamala, 1941.
Bha
̄rata
̄mr
Ω
tam
of Diva
̄kara. Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras, R nos. 3717 and
3002.
Dhvanya
̄loka
of A
̄
nandavardhana with the
Locana
of Abhinavagupta. Edited by Pattab-
hirama Shastri. Varanasi: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, 1940.
I
̄
s
́varas
́ataka
of Avata
̄ra. Edited by Sivadatta and K. P. Parab. Bombay: Nirnaya Sagara
Press, 1893. Kavyamala Gucchaka 9.
Jagadvijayachandas
of Kav ̄
ındra
̄carya. Edited by C. Kunhan Raja. Bikaner: Anup San-
skrit Library, 1945.
Ja
̄mbavat ̄
ıparin
Ω
ayam
of Kr
Ω
s
Ω
n
Ω
adevara
̄ya. Edited by B. Ramaraju. Hyderabad: Andhra
Pradesh Sahitya Akademi, 1969.
Kav ̄
ındracandrika
̄.
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