Sunday, November 30, 2014

Subhas Chandra Bose: Hindu National Terrorist

Subhas Chandra Bose: Hindu National Terrorist NDA govt ...
2 days ago - Subhas Chandra Bose: Hindu National Terrorist NDA govt won't make secret Netaji files public TNN | Dec 1, 2014, 12.42 AM IST READ MORE Rajnath Singh ...

NDA govt won’t make secret Netaji files public

NDA govt won’t make secret Netaji files public
The Prime Minister's Office in a recent RTI reply accepted that there were 41 files related to Bose, of which two had been declassified, but refused to disclose them, taking a position similar to that of the erstwhile Congress-led UPA government.

NEW DELHI: The BJP-led government has declined to make public nearly 39 classified files on Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in sharp contrast to the demands of disclosure raised by its senior leaders when in opposition.

In January, when the Lok Sabha election campaign was at its peak, the then BJP president Rajnath Singh, during a visit to Cuttack — the birthplace of Netaji — on the occasion of his 117th birth anniversary, had demanded that the UPA government make public the records related to the freedom fighter. Singh is now the home minister.

The Prime Minister's Office (PMO) in a recent RTI reply accepted that there were 41 files related to Bose, of which two had been declassified, but refused to disclose them, taking a position similar to that of the erstwhile Congress-led UPA government.

"Disclosure of documents contained in these files would prejudicially affect relations with foreign countries. As such, these files are exempted from disclosure under Section 8(1)(a) read with Section 8(2) of the Right to Information Act," the PMO said in its reply to RTI activist Subhash Agrawal.

Singh had claimed during the election campaign that there was larger public interest in the disclosure of the documents, but the PMO under Modi seems not to be in agreement as is evident from the reply which considered the larger public interest disclosure clause — Section 8(2) — of the RTI Act — but chose to withhold the documents.  

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Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) ter·ror·ism [ter-uh-riz-uhm] Show IPA noun 1. the use of violence and threats to intimidate or coerce, especially for political purposes. 2. the state of fear and submission produced by terrorism or terrorization. 3. a terroristic method of governing or of resisting a government. Origin: 1785–95; terror + -ism Lot is said and generously commented upon this English language term, ‘Terrorism.’ According to the strict meaning, Savarkar was a terrorist. So was Subhas Chandra Bose. Many notable freedom fighters, engaging in violence as the sole means to evict British administration, were terrorists. Entire struggle of Tribal communities, not related to each other, in more than seven states of India, are fondly called as ‘Commie terrorists’ by none other than Sanghiya philosophers, Mohan Bhagwat, et al. Historry cannot be easily changed. How can Modi Sarkar delete all the published, unpublished and as yet not even checked British documents? Bose believed in armed resistance, as against non violent struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi. He lost it and lost his life as a result. Very brave man who loved his country but not to be called a hero, a fallen hero, perhaps. …and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Wolpert 2000, pp. 339–340: Quote: “On 21 March 1944, Subhas Bose and advanced units of the INA crossed the borders of India, entering Manipur, and by May they had advanced to the outskirts of that state’s capital, Imphal. That was the closest Bose came to Bengal, where millions of his devoted followers awaited his army’s “liberation.” The British garrison at Imphal and its air arm withstood Bose’s much larger force long enough for the monsoon rains to defer all possibility of warfare in that jungle region for the three months the British so desperately needed to strengthen their eastern wing. Bose had promised his men freedom in exchange for their blood, but the tide of battle turned against them after the 1944 rains, and in May 1945 the INA surrendered in Rangoon. Bose escaped on the last Japanese plane to leave Saigon, but he died in Formosa after a crash landing there in August. By that time, however, his death had been falsely reported so many times that a myth soon emerged in Bengal that Netaji Subhas Chandra was alive—raising another army in China or Tibet or the Soviet Union—and would return with it to “liberate” India. Bayly & Harper 2007, p. 21. Moreman 2013, pp. 124–125: Quote: “The (Japanese) Fifteenth Army, commanded by … Maj.-General Mutuguchi Renya consisted of three experienced infantry divisions —
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Wolpert 2006, p. 69: Quote: “The good news Wavell reported was that the RAF had just recently flown enough of its planes into Manipur’s capital of Imphal to smash Netaji (“Leader”) Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) that had advanced to its outskirts before the monsoon began. Bose’s INA consisted of about 20,000 of the British Indian soldiers captured by the Japanese in Singapore, who had volunteered to serve under Netaji Bose when he offered them “Freedom” if they were willing to risk their “Blood” to gain Indian independence a year earlier. The British considered Bose and his “army of traitors” no better than their Japanese sponsors, but to most of Bengal’s 50 million Indians, Bose was a great national hero and potential “Liberator.” The INA was stopped before entering Bengal, first by monsoon rains and then by the RAF, and forced to retreat, back through Burma and down its coast to the Malay peninsula. In May 1945, Bose would fly out of Saigon on an overloaded Japanese plane, headed for Taiwan, which crash-landed and burned. Bose suffered third-degree burns and died in the hospital on Formosa.” Bandyopādhyāẏa 2004, p. 427: “The retreat was even more devastating, finally ending the dream of gaining Indian independence through military campaign. But Bose still remained optimistic, thought of regrouping after the Japanese surrender, contemplated seeking help from Soviet Russia. The Japanese agreed to provide him transport up to Manchuria from where he could travel to Russia. But on his way, on 18 August 1945 at Taihoku airport in Taiwan, he died in an air crash, which many Indians still believe never happened.” Bayly & Harper 2007, p. 22: Quote: “There are still some in India today who believe that Bose remained alive and in Soviet custody, a once and future king of Indian independence. The legend of ‘Netaii’ Bose’s survival helped bind together the defeated INA. In Bengal it became an assurance of the province’s supreme importance in the liberation of the motherland. It sustained the morale of many across India and Southeast Asia who deplored the return of British power or felt alienated from the political settlement finally achieved by Gandhi and Nehru.
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Wolpert 2000, p. 339: Quote: “Tojo turned over all his Indian POWs to Bose’s command, and in October 1943 Bose announced the creation of a Provisional Government of Azad (“Free”) India, of which he became head of state, prime minister, minister of war, and minister of foreign affairs. Some two million Indians were living in Southeast Asia when the Japanese seized control of that region, and these emigrees were the first “citizens” of that government, founded under the “protection” of Japan and headquartered on the “liberated” Andaman Islands. Bose declared war on the United States and Great Britain the day after his government was established. In January 1944 he moved his provisional capital to Rangoon and started his Indian National Army on their march north to the battle cry of the Meerut mutineers: “Chalo Delhi!” Gordon, p. 517: Quote: “At the same time that the Japanese appreciated the firmness with which Bose’s forces continued to fight, they were endlessly exasperated with him. A number of Japanese officers, even those like Fujiwara, who were devoted to the Indian cause, saw Bose as a military incompetent as well as an unrealistic and stubborn man who saw only his own needs and problems and could not see the larger picture of the war as the Japanese had to.” McLynn 2011, pp. 295–296: Quote: “Gracey consoled himself that Bose’s Indian National Army had also been in action against his Indians and Gurkhas but had been roughly treated and almost annihilated; when the survivors tried to surrender, they tended to fall foul of the Gurkhas’ dreaded kukri.”
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Metcalf & Metcalf 2010, p. 210: Quote: “Marginalized within Congress and a target for British surveillance, Bose chose to embrace the fascist powers as allies against the British and fled India, first to Hitler’s Germany, then, on a German submarine, to a Japanese-occupied Singapore. The force that he put together … known as the Indian National Army (INA) and thus claiming to represent free India, saw action against the British in Burma but accomplished little toward the goal of a march on Delhi. … Bose himself died in an airplane crash trying to reach Japanese-occupied territory in the last months of the war. His romantic saga, coupled with his defiant nationalism, has made Bose a near-mythic figure, not only in his native Bengal, but across India. It is this heroic, martial myth that is today remembered, rather than Bose’s wartime vision of a free India under the authoritarian rule of someone like himself.” Gordon & 1990 pp459–460: Quote: “Another small, but immediate, issue for the civilians in Berlin and the soldiers in training was how to address Subhas Bose. Vyas has given his view of how the term was adopted: ‘one of our [soldier] boys came forward with “Hamare Neta”. We improved upon it: “Netaji”… It must be mentioned, that Subhas Bose strongly disapproved of it. He began to yield only when he saw our military group … firmly went on calling him “Netaji”‘ (Alexander) Werth also mentioned adoption of ‘Netaji’ and observed accurately, that it ‘… combined a sense both of affection and honour …’ It was not meant to echo ‘Fuehrer’ or ‘Duce’, but to give Subhas Bose a special Indian form of reverence and this term has been universally adopted by Indians everywhere in speaking about him.” Stein 2010, pp. 305,325″: Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose were among those who, impatient with Gandhi’s programmes and methods, looked upon socialism as an alternative for nationalistic policies capable of meeting the country’s economic and social needs, as well as a link to potential international support. (p. 325) (p. 345)”
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Hayes 2011, p. 15. Hayes 2011, p. 165: Quote: “The most troubling aspect of Bose’s presence in Nazi Germany is not military or political but rather ethical. His alliance with the most genocidal regime in history poses serious dilemmas precisely because of his popularity and his having made a lifelong career of fighting the ‘good cause’. How did a man who started his political career at the feet of Gandhi end up with Hitler, Mussolini, and Tojo? Even in the case of Mussolini and Tojo, the gravity of the dilemma pales in comparison to that posed by his association with Hitler and the Nazi leadership. The most disturbing issue, all too often ignored, is that in the many articles, minutes, memorandums, telegrams, letters, plans, and broadcasts Bose left behind in Germany, he did not express the slightest concern or sympathy for the millions who died in the concentration camps. Not one of his Berlin wartime associates or colleagues ever quotes him expressing any indignation. Not even when the horrors of Auschwitz and its satellite camps were exposed to the world upon being liberated by Soviet troops in early 1945, revealing publicly for the first time the genocidal nature of the Nazi regime, did Bose react.” Stein 2010, pp. 345″: To many (Congress leaders), Bose’s programme resembled that of the Japanese fascists, who were in the process of losing their gamble to achieve Asian ascendancy through war. Nevertheless, the success of his soldiers in Burma had stirred as much patriotic sentiment among Indians as the sacrifices of imprisoned Congress leaders. (p. 345)”
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Citations Bayly & Harper 2007, p. 2: “If all else failed (Bose) wanted to become a prisoner of the Soviets: ‘They are the only ones who will resist the British. My fate is with them. But as the Japanese plane took off from Taipei airport its engines faltered and then failed. Bose was badly burned in the crash. According to several witnesses, he died on 18 August in a Japanese military hospital, talking to the very last of India’s freedom. British and Indian commissions later established convincingly that Bose had died in Taiwan. These were legendary and apocalyptic times, however. Having witnessed the first Indian leader to fight against the British since the great mutiny of 1857, many in both Southeast Asia and India refused to accept the loss of their hero. Rumours that Bose had survived and was waiting to come out of hiding and begin the final struggle for independence were rampant by the end of 1945.” Gordon 1990, pp. 344–345: Quote: “Although we must take Emilie Schenkl at her word (about her secret marriage to Bose in 1937), there are a few nagging doubts about an actual marriage ceremony because there is no document that I have seen and no testimony by any other person. … Other biographers have written that Bose and Miss Schenkl were married in 1942, while Krishna Bose, implying 1941, leaves the date ambiguous. The strangest and most confusing testimony comes from A. C. N. Nambiar, who was with the couple in Badgastein briefly in 1937, and was with them in Berlin during the war as second-in-command to Bose. In an answer to my question about the marriage, he wrote to me in 1978: ‘I cannot state anything definite about the marriage of Bose referred to by you, since I came to know of it only a good while after the end of the last world war … I can imagine the marriage having been a very informal one … So what are we left with? … We know they had a close passionate relationship and that they had a child, Anita, born November 29, 1942, in Vienna. … And we have Emilie Schenkl’s testimony that they were married secretly in 1937. Whatever the precise dates, the most important thing is the relationship.”
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Bose had clearly expressed his belief that democracy was the best option for India.[85] The pro-Bose thinkers believe that his authoritarian control of the Azad Hind was based on political pragmatism and a post-colonial doctrine rather than any anti-democratic belief.[citation needed] However, during the war (and possibly as early as the 1930s), Bose seems to have decided that no democratic system could be adequate to overcome India’s poverty and social inequalities, and he wrote that a socialist state similar to that of Soviet Russia (which he had also seen and admired) would be needed for the process of national re-building.[86] Accordingly, some suggest that Bose’s alliance with the Axis during the war was based on more than just pragmatism, and that Bose was a militant nationalist, though not a Nazi nor a Fascist, for he supported empowerment of women, secularism and other liberal ideas; alternatively, others consider he might have been using populist methods of mobilisation common to many post-colonial leaders.[47] Bose never liked the Nazis, but when he failed to contact the Russians for help in Afghanistan, he approached the Germans and Italians for help. His comment was that if he had to shake hands with the devil for India’s independence he would do that.[citation needed]
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Sid Harth (USA) His political views and the alliances he made with Nazi and other militarist regimes at war with Britain have been the cause of arguments among historians and politicians, with some accusing him of fascist sympathies, while others in India have been more sympathetic towards the realpolitik that guided his social and political choices. Subhas Chandra Bose believed that the Bhagavad Gita was a great source of inspiration for the struggle against the British.[80] Swami Vivekananda’s teachings on universalism, his nationalist thoughts and his emphasis on social service and reform had all inspired Subhas Chandra Bose from his very young days. The fresh interpretation of the India’s ancient scriptures had appealed immensely to him.[note 1] Many scholars believe that Hindu spirituality formed the essential part of his political and social thought throughout his adult life, although there was no sense of bigotry or orthodoxy in it.[81] Subhas who called himself a socialist, believed that socialism in India owed its origins to Swami Vivekananda.[82] As historian Leonard Gordon explains “Inner religious explorations continued to be a part of his adult life. This set him apart from the slowly growing number of atheistic socialists and communists who dotted the Indian landscape.”.[83] Bose’s correspondence (prior to 1939) reflects his deep disapproval of the racist practices of, and annulment of democratic institutions in Nazi Germany.[84] However, he expressed admiration for the authoritarian methods (though not the racial ideologies) which he saw in Italy and Germany during the 1930s, and thought they could be used in building an independent India.[47]
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Bose advocated complete unconditional independence for India, whereas the All-India Congress Committee wanted it in phases, through Dominion status. Finally at the historic Lahore Congress convention, the Congress adopted Purna Swaraj (complete independence) as its motto. Gandhi was given rousing receptions wherever he went after Gandhi-Irwin pact. Subhas Chandra Bose, travelling with Gandhi in these travels, later wrote that the great enthusiasm he saw among the people enthused him tremendously and that he doubted if any other leader anywhere in the world received such a reception as Gandhi did during these travels across the country. He was imprisoned and expelled from India. Defying the ban, he came back to India and was imprisoned again. Bose was elected president of the Indian National Congress for two consecutive terms, but had to resign from the post following ideological conflicts with Mohandas K. Gandhi and after openly attacking the Congress’ foreign and internal policies. Bose believed that Gandhi’s tactics of non-violence would never be sufficient to secure India’s independence, and advocated violent resistance. He established a separate political party, the All India Forward Bloc and continued to call for the full and immediate independence of India from British rule. He was imprisoned by the British authorities eleven times. His famous motto was: “Give me blood and I will give you freedom”. His stance did not change with the outbreak of the Second World War, which he saw as an opportunity to take advantage of British weakness. At the outset of the war, he left India, travelling to the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, seeking an alliance with each of them to attack the British government in India. With Imperial Japanese assistance, he re-organised and later led the Azad Hind Fauj or Indian National Army (INA), formed with Indian prisoners-of-war and plantation workers from British Malaya, Singapore, and other parts of Southeast Asia, against British forces. With Japanese monetary, political, diplomatic and military assistance, he formed the Azad Hind Government in exile, and regrouped and led the Indian National Army in failed military campaigns against the allies at Imphal and in Burma.
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) A disinfectant, Rivamol, was put over most of his body and then a white ointment was applied and he was bandaged over most of his body. Dr. Yoshimi gave Bose four injections of Vita Camphor and two of Digitamine for his weakened heart. These were given about every 30 minutes. Since his body had lost fluids quickly upon being burnt, he was also given Ringer solution intravenously. A third doctor, Dr. Ishii gave him a blood transfusion. An orderly, Kazuo Mitsui, an army private, was in the room and several nurses were also assisting. Bose still had a clear head which Dr. Yoshimi found remarkable for someone with such severe injuries.[75] Soon, in spite of the treatment, Bose went into a coma.[75][71] A few hours later, between 9 and 10 PM (local time) on Saturday 18 August 1945, Subhas Chandra Bose, aged 48, was dead.[75][71] Bose’s body was cremated in the main Taihoku crematorium two days later, 20 August 1945.[76] On 23 August 1945, the Japanese news agency Do Trzei announced the death of Bose and Shidea.[71] On 7 September a Japanese officer, Lieutenant Tatsuo Hayashida, carried Bose’s ashes to Tokyo, and the following morning they were handed to the president of the Tokyo Indian Independence League, Rama Murti.[77] On 14 September a memorial service was held for Bose in Tokyo and a few days later the ashes were turned over to the priest of the Renkōji Temple of Nichiren Buddhism in Tokyo.[78][79] There they have remained ever since.[79] Among the INA personnel, there was widespread disbelief, shock, and trauma. Most affected were the young Tamil Indians from Malaya and Singapore, both men and women, who comprised the bulk of the civilians who had enlisted in the INA.[26] The professional soldiers in the INA, most of whom were Punjabis, faced an uncertain future, with many fatalistically expecting reprisals from the British.[26] In India the Indian National Congress’s official line was succinctly expressed in a letter Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi wrote to Rajkumari Amrit Kaur.[26] Said Gandhi, “Subhas Bose has died well. He was undoubtedly a patriot, though misguided.”[26] Many congressmen had not forgiven Bose for quarrelling with Gandhi and for collaborating with what they considered was Japanese fascism.[26] The Indian soldiers in the British Indian army, some two and a half million of whom had fought during the Second World War, were conflicted about the INA. Some saw the INA as traitors and wanted them punished; others felt more sympathetic. The British Raj, though never seriously threatened by the INA, was to try 300 INA officers for treason in the INA trials, but was to eventually backtrack in the face of its own end.[26]
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) In the consensus of scholarly opinion, Subhas Chandra Bose’s death occurred from third-degree burns on 18 August 1945 after his overloaded Japanese plane crashed in Japanese-occupied Formosa (now Taiwan).[67][23] However, many among his supporters, especially in Bengal, refused at the time, and have refused since, to believe either the fact or the circumstances of his death.[68][24][25] Conspiracy theories appeared within hours of his death and have thereafter had a long shelf life,[1] keeping alive various martial myths about Bose.[6] In Taihoku, at around 2:30 PM as the bomber with Bose on board was leaving the standard path taken by aircraft during take-off, the passengers inside heard a loud sound, similar to an engine backfiring.[69][70] The mechanics on the tarmac saw something fall out of the plane.[71] It was portside engine, or a part of it, and the propeller.[71][69] The plane swung wildly to the right and plummeted, crashing, breaking into two, and exploding into flames.[71][69] Inside, the chief pilot, copilot and Lieutenant-General Tsunamasa Shidei, the Vice Chief of Staff of the Japanese Kwantung Army, who was to have made the negotiations for Bose with the Soviet army in Manchuria,[72] were instantly killed.[71][73] Bose’s assistant Habibur Rahman was stunned, passing out briefly, and Bose, although conscious and not fatally hurt, was soaked in gasoline.[71] When Rahman came to, he and Bose attempted to leave by the rear door, but found it blocked by the luggage.[73] They then decided to run through the flames and exit from the front.[73] The ground staff, now approaching the plane, saw two people staggering towards them, one of whom had become a human torch.[71] The human torch turned out to be Bose, whose gasoline-soaked clothes had instantly ignited.[73] Rahman and a few others managed to smother the flames, but also noticed that Bose’s face and head appeared badly burned.[73] According to Joyce Chapman Lebra, “A truck which served as ambulance rushed Bose and the other passengers to the Nanmon Military Hospital south of Taihoku.”[71] The airport personnel called Dr. Taneyoshi Yoshimi, the surgeon-in-charge at the hospital at around 3 PM.[73] Bose was conscious and mostly coherent when they reached the hospital, and for some time thereafter.[74] Bose was naked, except for a blanket wrapped around him, and Dr. Yoshimi immediately saw evidence of third-degree burns on many parts of the body, especially on his chest, doubting very much that he would live.[74] Dr. Yoshimi promptly began to treat Bose and was assisted by Dr. Tsuruta.[74] According to historian Leonard A. Gordon, who interviewed all the hospital personnel later,
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) On the Indian mainland, an Indian Tricolour, modelled after that of the Indian National Congress, was raised for the first time in the town in Moirang, in Manipur, in north-eastern India. The towns of Kohima and Imphal were placed under siege by divisions of the Japanese, Burmese and the Gandhi and Nehru Brigades of INA during the attempted invasion of India, also known as Operation U-GO. However, Commonwealth forces held both positions and then counter-attacked, in the process inflicting serious losses on the besieging forces, which were then forced to retreat back into Burma. When Japanese funding for the army diminished, Bose was forced to raise taxes on the Indian populations of Malaysia and Singapore. When the Japanese were defeated at the battles of Kohima and Imphal, the Provisional Government’s aim of establishing a base in mainland India was lost forever. The INA was forced to pull back, along with the retreating Japanese army, and fought in key battles against the British Indian Army in its Burma campaign, notable in Meiktilla, Mandalay, Pegu, Nyangyu and Mount Popa. However, with the fall of Rangoon, Bose’s government ceased to be an effective political entity. A large proportion of the INA troops surrendered under Lt Col Loganathan. The remaining troops retreated with Bose towards Malaya or made for Thailand. Japan’s surrender at the end of the war also led to the eventual surrender of the Indian National Army, when the troops of the British Indian Army were repatriated to India and some tried for treason. On 6 July 1944, in a speech broadcast by the Azad Hind Radio from Singapore, Bose addressed Mahatma Gandhi as the “Father of the Nation” and asked for his blessings and good wishes for the war he was fighting. This was the first time that Gandhi was referred to by this appellation.[65] His most famous quote/slogan was Give me blood and I will give you freedom. Another famous quote was Dilli Chalo (“On to Delhi)!” This was the call he used to give the INA armies to motivate them. Jai Hind, or, “Glory to India!” was another slogan used by him and later adopted by the Government of India and the Indian Armed Forces. Another slogan coined by him was “Ittefaq, Etemad, Qurbani” (Urdu for “Unity, Agreement, Sacrifice”). INA also used the slogan Inquilab Zindabad, which was coined by Maulana Hasrat Mohani.[66]
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Even when faced with military reverses, Bose was able to maintain support for the Azad Hind movement. Spoken as a part of a motivational speech for the Indian National Army at a rally of Indians in Burma on 4 July 1944, Bose’s most famous quote was “Give me blood, and I shall give you freedom!” In this, he urged the people of India to join him in his fight against the British Raj. Spoken in Hindi, Bose’s words are highly evocative. The troops of the INA were under the aegis of a provisional government, the Azad Hind Government, which came to produce its own currency, postage stamps, court and civil code, and was recognised by nine Axis states—Germany, Japan, Italy, the Independent State of Croatia, Wang Jingwei regime in Nanjing, China, a provisional government of Burma, Manchukuo and Japanese-controlled Philippines. Recent researches have shown that the USSR too had diplomatic contact with the “Provisional Government of Free India”. Of those countries, five were authorities established under Axis occupation. This government participated in the so-called Greater East Asia Conference as an observer in November 1943. The INA’s first commitment was in the Japanese thrust towards Eastern Indian frontiers of Manipur. INA’s special forces, the Bahadur Group, were extensively involved in operations behind enemy lines both during the diversionary attacks in Arakan, as well as the Japanese thrust towards Imphal and Kohima, along with the Burmese National Army led by Ba Maw and Aung San. Japanese also took possession of Andaman and Nicobar Islands in 1942 and a year later, the Provisional Government and the INA were established in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands with Lt Col. A.D. Loganathan appointed its Governor General. The islands were renamed Shaheed (Martyr) and Swaraj (Independence). However, the Japanese Navy remained in essential control of the island’s administration. During Bose’s only visit to the islands in early 1944, when he was carefully screened, by the Japanese authorities, from the local population who[clarification needed] at that time were torturing the leader of the Indian Independence League on the Islands, Dr. Diwan Singh, who later died of his injuries, in the Cellular Jail. The islanders made several attempts to alert Bose to their plight, but apparently without success. Enraged with the lack of administrative control, Lt. Col Loganathan later relinquished his authority and returned to the Government’s headquarters in Rangoon.[63][64]
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Sid Harth (USA) The Indian National Army (INA) was the brainchild of Japanese Major (and post-war Lieutenant-General) Iwaichi Fujiwara, head the Japanese intelligence unit Fujiwara Kikan and had its origins, first in the meetings between Fujiwara and the president of the Bangkok chapter of the Indian Independence League, Pritam Singh Dhillon, and then, through Pritam Singh’s network, in the recruitment by Fujiwara of a captured British Indian army captain, Mohan Singh on the western Malayan peninsula in December 1941; Fujiwara’s mission was “to raise an army which would fight alongside the Japanese army.”[58][59] After the initial proposal by Fujiwara the Indian National Army was formed as a result of discussion between Fujiwara and Mohan Singh in the second half of December 1941, and the name chosen jointly by them in the first week of January 1942. .[60] This was along the concept of—and with support of—what was then known as the Indian Independence League, headed by expatriate nationalist leader Rash Behari Bose. The first INA was however disbanded in December 1942 after disagreements between the Hikari Kikan and Mohan Singh, who came to believe that the Japanese High Command was using the INA as a mere pawn and propaganda tool. Mohan Singh was taken into custody and the troops returned to the prisoner-of-war camp. However, the idea of a liberation army was revived with the arrival of Subhas Chandra Bose in the Far East in 1943. In July, at a meeting in Singapore, Rash Behari Bose handed over control of the organisation to Subhas Chandra Bose. Bose was able to reorganise the fledgling army and organise massive support among the expatriate Indian population in south-east Asia, who lent their support by both enlisting in the Indian National Army, as well as financially in response to Bose’s calls for sacrifice for the national cause. INA had a separate women’s unit, the Rani of Jhansi Regiment (named after Rani Lakshmi Bai) headed by Capt. Lakshmi Swaminathan, which is seen as a first of its kind in Asia.[61][62]
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Sid Harth (USA) In Germany, he was attached to the Special Bureau for India under Adam von Trott zu Solz which was responsible for broadcasting on the German-sponsored Azad Hind Radio.[54] He founded the Free India Center in Berlin, and created the Indian Legion (consisting of some 4500 soldiers) out of Indian prisoners of war who had previously fought for the British in North Africa prior to their capture by Axis forces. The Indian Legion was attached to the Wehrmacht, and later transferred to the Waffen SS. Its members swore the following allegiance to Hitler and Bose: “I swear by God this holy oath that I will obey the leader of the German race and state, Adolf Hitler, as the commander of the German armed forces in the fight for India, whose leader is Subhas Chandra Bose”. This oath clearly abrogates control of the Indian legion to the German armed forces whilst stating Bose’s overall leadership of India. He was also, however, prepared to envisage an invasion of India via the USSR by Nazi troops, spearheaded by the Azad Hind Legion; many have questioned his judgment here, as it seems unlikely that the Germans could have been easily persuaded to leave after such an invasion, which might also have resulted in an Axis victory in the War.[52] In all, 3,000 Indian prisoners of war signed up for the Free India Legion. But instead of being delighted, Bose was worried. A left-wing admirer of Russia, he was devastated when Hitler’s tanks rolled across the Soviet border. Matters were worsened by the fact that the now-retreating German army would be in no position to offer him help in driving the British from India. When he met Hitler in May 1942, his suspicions were confirmed, and he came to believe that the Nazi leader was more interested in using his men to win propaganda victories than military ones. So, in February 1943, Bose turned his back on his legionnaires and slipped secretly away aboard a submarine bound for Japan. This left the men he had recruited leaderless and demoralised in Germany.[52][55] Bose lived in Berlin from 1941 until 1943. During his earlier visit to Germany in 1934, he had met Emilie Schenkl, the daughter of an Austrian veterinarian whom he married in 1937. Their daughter is Anita Bose Pfaff.[56] Bose’s party, the Forward Bloc, has contested this fact.[57] In 1943, after being disillusioned that Germany could be of any help in gaining India’s independence, he left for Japan. He travelled with the German submarine U-180 around the Cape of Good Hope to the southeast of Madagascar, where he was transferred to the I-29 for the rest of the journey to Imperial Japan. This was the only civilian transfer between two submarines of two different navies in World War II.[49][50]
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Sid Harth (USA) Bose’s arrest and subsequent release set the scene for his escape to Germany, via Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. A few days before his escape, he sought solitude and on this pretext avoided meeting British guards and grew a beard on the night of his escape, he dressed as a Pathan to avoid being identified. Bose escaped from under British surveillance at his house in Calcutta. On 19 January 1941, accompanied by his nephew Sisir K. Bose in a car that is now on display at his Calcutta home.[49][50] He journeyed to Peshawar with the help of the Abwehr, where he was met by Akbar Shah, Mohammed Shah and Bhagat Ram Talwar. Bose was taken to the home of Abad Khan, a trusted friend of Akbar Shah’s. On 26 January 1941, Bose began his journey to reach Russia through British India’s North West frontier with Afghanistan. For this reason, he enlisted the help of Mian Akbar Shah, then a Forward Bloc leader in the North-West Frontier Province. Shah had been out of India en route to the Soviet Union, and suggested a novel disguise for Bose to assume. Since Bose could not speak one word of Pashto, it would make him an easy target of Pashto speakers working for the British. For this reason, Shah suggested that Bose act deaf and dumb, and let his beard grow to mimic those of the tribesmen. Bose’s guide Bhagat Ram Talwar, unknown to him, was a Soviet agent.[49][50][51] Supporters of the Aga Khan III helped him across the border into Afghanistan where he was met by an Abwehr unit posing as a party of road construction engineers from the Organization Todt who then aided his passage across Afghanistan via Kabul to the border with Soviet Russia. After assuming the guise of a Pashtun insurance agent (“Ziaudddin”) to reach Afghanistan, Bose changed his guise and travelled to Moscow on the Italian passport of an Italian nobleman “Count Orlando Mazzotta”. From Moscow, he reached Rome, and from there he travelled to Germany.[49][50][52] Once in Russia the NKVD transported Bose to Moscow where he hoped that Russia’s traditional enmity to British rule in India would result in support for his plans for a popular rising in India. However, Bose found the Soviets’ response disappointing and was rapidly passed over to the German Ambassador in Moscow, Count von der Schulenburg. He had Bose flown on to Berlin in a special courier aircraft at the beginning of April where he was to receive a more favourable hearing from Joachim von Ribbentrop and the Foreign Ministry officials at the Wilhelmstrasse.[49][50][53]
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) He stood for unqualified Swaraj (self-governance), including the use of force against the British. This meant a confrontation with Mohandas Gandhi, who in fact opposed Bose’s presidency,[42] splitting the Indian National Congress party. Bose attempted to maintain unity, but Gandhi advised Bose to form his own cabinet. The rift also divided Bose and Nehru. Bose appeared at the 1939 Congress meeting on a stretcher. He was elected president again over Gandhi’s preferred candidate Pattabhi Sitaramayya.[43] U. Muthuramalingam Thevar strongly supported Bose in the intra-Congress dispute. Thevar mobilised all south India votes for Bose.[44] However, due to the manoeuvrings of the Gandhi-led clique in the Congress Working Committee, Bose found himself forced to resign from the Congress presidency.[45] On 22 June 1939 Bose organised the All India Forward Bloc a faction within the Indian National Congress,[46] aimed at consolidating the political left, but its main strength was in his home state, Bengal. U Muthuramalingam Thevar, who was a staunch supporter of Bose from the beginning, joined the Forward Bloc. When Bose visited Madurai on 6 September, Thevar organised a massive rally as his reception When Subash Chandra Bose was heading to Madurai, on an invitation of Muthuramalinga Thevar to amass support for the Forward Bloc, he passed through Madras and spent three days at Gandhi Peak. His correspondence reveals that despite his clear dislike for British subjugation, he was deeply impressed by their methodical and systematic approach and their steadfastly disciplinarian outlook towards life. In England, he exchanged ideas on the future of India with British Labour Party leaders and political thinkers like Lord Halifax, George Lansbury, Clement Attlee, Arthur Greenwood, Harold Laski, J.B.S. Haldane, Ivor Jennings, G.D.H. Cole, Gilbert Murray and Sir Stafford Cripps. He came to believe that an independent India needed socialist authoritarianism, on the lines of Turkey’s Kemal Atatürk, for at least two decades. Bose was refused permission by the British authorities to meet Atatürk at Ankara for political reasons. During his sojourn in England, only the Labour Party and Liberal politicians agreed to meet with Bose when he tried to schedule appointments. Conservative Party officials refused to meet Bose or show him courtesy because he was a politician coming from a colony. In the 1930s leading figures in the Conservative Party had opposed even Dominion status for India. It was during the Labour Party government of 1945–1951, with Attlee as the Prime Minister, that India gained independence. On the outbreak of war, Bose advocated a campaign of mass civil disobedience to protest against Viceroy Lord Linlithgow’s decision to declare war on India’s behalf without consulting the Congress leadership. Having failed to persuade Gandhi of the necessity of this, Bose organised mass protests in Calcutta calling for the ‘Holwell Monument’ commemoratin
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) He started the newspaper Swaraj and took charge of publicity for the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee.[35] His mentor was Chittaranjan Das who was a spokesman for aggressive nationalism in Bengal. In the year 1923, Bose was elected the President of All India Youth Congress and also the Secretary of Bengal State Congress. He was also editor of the newspaper “Forward”, founded by Chittaranjan Das.[36] Bose worked as the CEO of the Calcutta Municipal Corporation for Das when the latter was elected mayor of Calcutta in 1924.[34] In a roundup of nationalists in 1925, Bose was arrested and sent to prison in Mandalay, where he contracted tuberculosis.[37] In 1927, after being released from prison, Bose became general secretary of the Congress party and worked with Jawaharlal Nehru for independence. In late December 1928, Bose organized the Annual Meeting of the Indian National Congress in Calcutta.[38] His most memorable role was as General Officer Commanding (GOC) Congress Volunteer Corps.[38] Author Nirad Chaudhuri wrote about the meeting: … Bose organized a volunteer corps in uniform, its officers being even provided with steel-cut epaulettes … his uniform was made by a firm of British tailors in Calcutta, Harman’s. A telegram addressed to him as GOC was delivered to the British General in Fort William and was the subject of a good deal of malicious gossip in the (British Indian) press. Mahatma Gandhi being a sincere pacifist vowed to non-violence, did not like the strutting, clicking of boots, and saluting, and he afterwards described the Calcutta session of the Congress as a Bertram Mills circus, which caused a great deal of indignation among the Bengalis.[38] A little later, Bose was again arrested and jailed for civil disobedience; this time he emerged to become Mayor of Calcutta in 1930.[37] During the mid-1930s Bose travelled in Europe, visiting Indian students and European politicians, including Benito Mussolini. He observed party organisation and saw communism and fascism in action.[citation needed] In this period, he also researched and wrote the first part of his book The Indian Struggle, which covered the country’s independence movement in the years 1920–1934. Although it was published in London in 1935, the British government banned the book in the colony out of fears that it would encourage unrest.[39] By 1938 Bose had become a leader of national stature and agreed to accept nomination as Congress President. Pasumpon Muthuramalinga Thevar known for his close friendship with Nethaji Subash Chandra Bose.
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Subhas Chandra Bose was born on 23 January 1897 (at 12.10 pm) in Cuttack, Orissa Division, Bengal Province, to Prabhavati Devi and Janakinath Bose, an advocate.[30] He was the ninth child of a total of fourteen siblings. He was admitted to the Protestant European School like his other brothers and sisters in January 1902. He continued his studies at this school which was run by the Baptist Mission up to the year 1909 and then shifted to the Ravenshaw Collegiate School. The day Subhas was admitted to this school, Beni Madhav Das, the then Headmaster of the school, understood how brilliant and scintillating was the genius of this little boy. After securing the second position in the matriculation examination in 1913, he got admitted to the Presidency College where he studied briefly.[31] His nationalistic temperament came to light when he was expelled for assaulting Professor Oaten for the latter’s anti-India comments. He later joined the Scottish Church College at the University of Calcutta and passed his B.A. in 1918 in philosophy.[32] Bose left India in 1919 for England with a promise to his father that he would appear in the Indian Civil Services (ICS) Examination. He went to study in Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, and matriculated on 19 November 1919. He came fourth in the ICS examination and was selected but he did not want to work under an alien government which would mean serving the British. As he stood on the verge of taking the plunge by resigning from the Indian Civil Service in 1921, he wrote to his elder brother Sarat: “Only on the soil of sacrifice and suffering can we raise our national edifice”.[33] Finally, he resigned from his civil service job on 23 April 1921 and returned to India.[34]
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) With Japanese support, Bose revamped the Indian National Army (INA), then composed of Indian soldiers of the British Indian army who had been captured in the Battle of Singapore.[18] To these, after Bose’s arrival, were added enlisting Indian civilians in Malaya and Singapore. The Japanese had come to support a number of puppet and provisional governments in the captured regions, such as those in Burma, the Philippines and Manchukuo. Before long the Provisional Government of Free India, presided by Bose, was formed in the Japanese-occupied Andaman and Nicobar Islands.[18][19] Bose had great drive and charisma—creating popular Indian slogans, such as “Jai Hind,”—and the INA under Bose was a model of diversity by region, ethnicity, religion, and even gender. However, Bose turned out to be militarily unskilled,[20] and his military effort was short lived. In late 1944 and early 1945 the British Indian Army first halted and then devastatingly reversed the Japanese attack on India. Almost half the Japanese forces and fully half the participating INA contingent were killed.[21] The INA was driven down the Malay Peninsula, and surrendered with the recapture of Singapore. Bose had earlier chosen not to surrender with his forces or with the Japanese, but rather to escape to Manchuria with a view to seeking a future in the Soviet Union which he believed to be turning anti-British. He died from third degree burns received when his plane crashed in Taiwan.[22] Some Indians, however, did not believe that the crash had occurred,[23] with many among them, especially in Bengal, believing that Bose would return to gain India’s independence.[24][25] The Indian National Congress, the main instrument of Indian nationalism, praised Bose’s patriotism but distanced itself from his tactics and ideology, especially his collaboration with Fascism.[26] The British Raj, though never seriously threatened by the INA,[27] [28] charged 300 INA officers with treason in the INA trials, but eventually backtracked in the face both of popular sentiment and of its own end.[29][26][6]
Sid Harth
Sid Harth (USA) Subhas Chandra Bose (About this sound listen (help·info); 23 January 1897 – 18 August 1945 (aged 48)[1]) was an Indian nationalist whose defiant patriotism made him a hero in India, but whose attempt during World War II to rid India of British rule with the help of Nazi Germany and Japan left a troubled legacy.[4][5][6] The honorific Netaji (Hindustani language: “Respected Leader”), first applied to Bose in Germany, by the Indian soldiers of the Indische Legion and by the German and Indian officials in the Special Bureau for India in Berlin, in early 1942, is now used widely throughout India.[7] Earlier, Bose had been a leader of the younger, radical, wing of the Indian National Congress in the late 1920s and 1930s, rising to become Congress President in 1938 and 1939.[8] However, he was ousted from Congress leadership positions in 1939 following differences with Mohandas K. Gandhi and the Congress high command.[9] He was subsequently placed under house arrest by the British before escaping from India in 1940.[10] Bose arrived in Germany in April 1941, where the leadership offered unexpected, if sometimes ambivalent, sympathy for the cause of India’s independence, contrasting starkly with its attitudes towards other colonised peoples and ethnic communities.[11][12] In November 1941, with German funds, a Free India Centre was set up in Berlin, and soon a Free India Radio, on which Bose broadcast nightly. A 3,000-strong Free India Legion, comprising Indians captured by Erwin Rommel’s Afrika Korps, was also formed to aid in a possible future German land invasion of India.[13] During this time Bose also became a father; his wife, [3] or companion,[2] Emilie Schenkl, whom he had met in 1934, gave birth to a baby girl.[3][11] By spring 1942, in light of Japanese victories in southeast Asia and changing German priorities, a German invasion of India became untenable, and Bose became keen to move to southeast Asia.[14] Adolf Hitler, during his only meeting with Bose in late May 1942, suggested the same, and offered to arrange for a submarine.[15] Identifying strongly with the Axis powers, and no longer apologetically, Bose boarded a German submarine in February 1943.[16][17] In Madagascar, he was transferred to a Japanese submarine from which he disembarked in Japanese-hel
Sid Harth
Subhas Chandra Bose (centre) shares a light moment with Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (left) while Vallabhai Jhaverbhai Patel (right) looks straight during the 51st Indian National Congress at Haripura village in Bardoli district (now in Gujarat’s Surat district) in February 1938. He said he had spoken to around 60 family members of the nationalist leader, none of whom was willing to accept the award on his behalf. “All of us feel that Bharat Ratna is not the appropriate award for him. None of us will go and accept the award,” he said. Anita Bose, daughter of Subhas Chandra Bose, near her father’s statue in Bangalore on February 19, 2013. (TOI photo by Mohammed Asad)
Sid Harth
आतंकवादी सुभास चंद्र बोस को भारत रत्न August 10, 2014 / elcidharth Netaji’s kin don’t want Bharat Ratna for him TNN | Aug 11, 2014, 05.06 AM IST 8 comments Netaji’s kin don’t want Bharat Ratna for him Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in 1938 during 51st Indian National Congress at Haripura, Bardoli (now in Surat district Gujarat). RELATED Award Bharat Ratna to Savarkar, urges charitable trust Abhinav Bharat TDP demands Bharat Ratna for late N T Rama Rao Bharat Ratna Bhimsen Joshi’s heirs vie for his riches in high court Forum writes to Modi on Netaji files Assam artist sketches Modi with blood KOLKATA: Amid speculation that the Bharat Ratna may be conferred on Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, his family members disapproved of the idea, saying icons like him were above the award and the government must reveal the truth about his disappearance instead of giving him a “posthumous” award.TOI was the first to report on August 9 that the Centre may be considering the names of Netaji and Atal Bihari Vajpayee for the Bharat Ratna. “Netaji and Gandhi are above Bharat Ratna. Former PM Vajpayee is a perfect candidate for Bharat Ratna, not Netaji,” the freedom fighter’s grandnephew, Sugato Bose, who is also a Trinamool Congress MP, said. “How can Netaji be given Bharat Ratna after Rajiv Gandhi? Anyone with a sense of history will agree with me.”


Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Do they breed stupid idiots in India? India Office Records and Private Papers The India Office Records are the repository of the archives of the East India Company (1600-1858), the Board of Control or Board of Commissioners for the Affairs of India (1784-1858), the India Office (1858-1947), the Burma Office (1937-1948), and a number of related British agencies overseas. The focus of the India Office Records is in the territories now included in India, Pakistan, Burma and Bangladesh and their administration before 1947. The Records also include source materials for neighbouring or connected areas at different times, covering not only South Asia, but also Southeast Asia, Central Asia, the Middle East, and parts of Africa. The official archives of the India Office Records are complemented by over 300 collections and over 3000 smaller deposits of private papers relating to the British experience in India. The India Office Records are administered by The British Library as part of the Public Records of the United Kingdom, and are open for public consultation. The majority of the India Office Records are described on Search Our Catalogue Archives and Manuscripts. Indian Independence This is a portal to educational sources available in the India Office Records on the historical event of Indian Independence, 1947. Nehru and jinnah 1947 Nehru and jinnah 1947 Enlarge Enlarge British colonisation of India began in the second half of the 18th century when the English East India Company took control of Bengal and gradually expanded its territory to other parts of India. In 1858 the British Government replaced the role of the East India Company and became the 'Paramount' ruler of India. It was not until 1947 that India regained its independence - ending nearly 200 years of British rule. The following pages provide a series of documents produced mainly during the last 50 years of British rule and are divided into four themes: Indian Nationalism World War II and the end of colonialism Transfer of Power Partition of India and Pakistan Reference Material Chronology Biographical Notes Glossary of Anglo-Indian terms Copyright © The British Library Board Mr Rajnath Singh, do you want me to make a seat reservation at this library? 'fukka't to you and HRD minister, Smriti Irani? ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
STOP. Google offer the entire book (read only) Bose in Nazi Germany By Romain Hayes ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
I am willing to pay $30.00 to buy the book and donate it to the Indian Home Minister, provided, he makes sufficient copies, with publisher's permission and distributes them to his BJP barking dogs. Bunch of idiots. ...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
The author shows how Bose first hoped that the German armed forces would reach India and tried to assist them in a project that never came off. An admirer of Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, Bose could benefit from the Duce's support only by recruiting Indian prisoners of war captured in Libya for the Indian Legion he was organizing to fight alongside the Axis. Japan's going to war with britain, the Netherlands and the United States appeared to offer even better prospects for Bose's ambitions, though the author never comments on what what Bose knew or thought about Japan's record in Korea and elsewhere as a colonial power.
Sid Harth
Central European History Central European History / Volume 45 / Issue 04 / December 2012, pp 790-791 Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2012 Published online: 08 January 2013 790 BOOK REWIES Subhas Chandra Bose in Nazi Germany: Politics, Intelligence, Propaganda, 1941-43, By Romain Hayes, New York: Columbia University Press. 2011.Pp. XXX 249. Cloth $30.00. ISBN 978-0-231-70234-8. A long time admirer of nazi Germany, a leader of the Indian National Congress who broke with its other leaders Gandhi and Nehru to form the Forward Bloc as a separate faction within the Congress, Subhas Chandra Bose moved via the Soviet Union to Germany. He spent the years 1941 to 1943 there, met the secretary who became his mistress and then his wife, and in 1943 traveled on a German submarine in the Indian Ocean so that he could direct his version of an Indian nationalist movement from Southeast Asia. This book reviews the time Bose spent in Nazy Germany on the basis of a careful survey of the relevant literature (which is discussed in a bibliographical essay) as well as access to some British, Indian, and French archives. The book also includes a number of important documents in appendices.   

Source: TOI

...and I am Sid Harth

Modi Plays With Birds, Oops, Words


Modi Plays With Birds, Oops, Words Modi talks 'SMART ...
2 days ago - Modi Plays With Birds, Oops, Words Modi talks 'SMART' policing, adds new feather in wordplay cap HT Correspondent , Hindustan Times Guwahati, November 30 ...

Modi talks 'SMART' policing, adds new feather in wordplay cap

HT Correspondent, Hindustan Times  Guwahati, November 30, 2014
First Published: 12:49 IST(30/11/2014) | Last Updated: 00:57 IST(1/12/2014)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has regularly knocked his opponents down and put his ideas forward by coining new phrases, added yet another one to his list at the 49th DGP/IGPs conference in Guwahati on Sunday.
The latest was 'SMART policing', which put emphasis on the essentials of police job

Advocating the concept, Modi said a country with an efficient intelligence network did not need any arms and ammunition to run the government.

The PM added he wanted a force which took care of the country's law and order in an efficient manner.

"By 'SMART' policing, I mean S for strict but sensitive, M for modern and mobile, A for alert and accountable, R for
reliable and responsive and T for techno-savvy and trained".
Let's sample a few of the acronyms, wordplay and numbers used by the PM:

Shirtfront: Modi used the term "shirtfront" to make fun of his host Abbott. A shirtfronter is an Australian rules term for a front-on challenge that knocks an opponent to the ground.

"(As) the third head of the government you are listening to this week, I do not know how you are doing this," Modi told members of parliament, who were addressed by Chinese leader Xi Jinping on Monday and Britain's David Cameron last Friday.

"Maybe this is Prime Minister Abbott's way of shirtfronting you!"

Modi admirers are aware of the Prime Minister's penchant for using words in an interesting way. Earlier, Modi had proved his way with words, coining several acronyms and catch phrases, and giving new meanings to well-known abbreviations. Here are some examples.
ABCD: Modi made use of ABCD for slamming the Congress party during an election rally in Punjab. It was "A for Adarsh, B for Bofors, C for coal scam."

NDA: Modi's take on the the BJP-led coalition 'NDA' was "National Development Alliance" during the 2014 general election campaign.

Make in India: Modi reached out to investors by saying "Come, Make in India", eyeing to make the country a manufacturing hub in his Independence Day speech and launched the campaign on September 25.

3Ss: Skill, scale and speed. He said the country needs to focus on imparting skills to its young population in order to compete with China. “If India has to compete with China, the focus should be on skill, scale and speed.”

5Ts: Tradition, Talent, Tourism, Trade and Technology. His government's intent to revive Brand India by riding on the country's strength of 5 Ts.

3Ds: Democracy, Demography and Demand. He reiterated it to Japanese investors saying India offers the three essential 'Ds' for businessmen.

No red tape but red carpet: He was hard-selling India as a manufacturing destination by promising investors saying "there is no red tape but red carpet in India. We have eased off a lot of regulations".

Inch towards Miles: He gave a new terminology to his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping. "I call it ‘Inch towards Miles’. INCH is ‘India-China’, towards MILES is ‘Millennium of Exceptional Synergy’. I believe that tomorrow’s meeting will mark a happy beginning towards this goal of ‘Inch towards Miles’.”

G-All: Modi in his address at the UN General Assembly urged for creating a world with sustainable growth and the need for the world to become more united as nations.

"While we speak of an interdependent world, have we become more united as nations? Why can't we have a G-All grouping? Why is it that despite having a wonderful platform like the UN, we still operate in various Gs with different numbers?" said Modi.

"The names of groupings keep changing...G-5, G-7, G-20 and so on. India too is involved in several. But how much are we able to work together as G-1 or G-All? We need a G-All the most. We need to think how to create a G-all atmosphere when the UN is about to celebrate its 70 years," he said.

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    Coordinates: 26°15′43″N 88°45′06″E
    Bangladesh–India border
    Geography of Assam
    Geography of West Bengal
    Border barriers
    This page was last modified on 15 October 2014 at 07:33.
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    …and I am Sid Harth

    Indo-Bangladeshi barrier
    The border Fence close to the Hili Border station (West-Bangladesh)
    The project has run into several delays and there is no clear completion date for the project yet.[14][15][16] The barrier when complete will be patrolled by the Border Security Force. The fence will also be electrified at some stretches.
    The BSF claims that the barrier’s main purpose is to prevent smuggling of narcotics.[6]
    Barbed wire fencing
    India is constructing the Indo-Bangladeshi barrier, a 3,406 kilometres (2,116 mi) fence of barbed wire
    and concrete just under 3 metres high, to prevent smuggling of
    narcotics. Out of this, 2529 kilometres of fencing was completed at the
    cost of 28.81 billion (US$470 million) by November 2007. The deadline for project completion was set to 2008–09[14]
    By October 2009, about 2649 kilometres of fencing along with about 3326
    kilometres of border roads were completed. The deadline for project
    completion was revised to March 2010.[15] By March 2011, 2735 kilometres of fencing was completed and the deadline was revised to March 2012.[16]
    Assam shares a 263 km of border with Bangladesh out of which 143.9 km is land and 119.1 km is riverine. As of November 2011, 221.56 km of fencing was completed.[17]
    Flood lights
    India has completed Flood lights installation for 277 kilometers in the West Bengal sector.[14]
    Sometimes between 2001-2006 Bangladesh Border security troops (BDR) clashed with the Indian Border Security Force when the fence were build beyond the no man’s land.[18]
    See also
    Bangladesh–India relations
    Indian Kashmir barrier
    Border barrier
    Indo-Burma barrier
    Indo-Bangladesh enclaves
    Dahala Khagrabari #51
    Teen Bigha Corridor
    2001 Indian–Bangladeshi border conflict

    Main article: Indo-Bangladesh enclaves
    The border area is dotted with many Indian territory exclaves
    within Bangladesh, and many Bangladeshi territory (enclave) within
    India. They result from pre-colonial treaties between the Maharajah of Cooch Behar and the Nawab of Rangpur, and were maintained at the time of partition between India and what was then East Pakistan
    in 1947. Residents of the exclaves generally live in miserable
    conditions, lacking access to basic services such as healthcare or
    electricity. These are not provided by their own government, as they are
    isolated from it by a strip of foreign land; nor are they provided by
    the surrounding state. They cannot visit their own country without
    crossing the international border surrounding the territory (enclave).[12]
    In September 2011, the two countries verbally agreed on land swaps
    and resolve the issue, but till November 2013 nothing were done from
    both side. The exclaves’ population, over 50,000 people, would have a
    say in the matter, and each person would ultimately be allowed to choose
    their nationality.[13]


    Bangladesh–India border
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    The border has created a narrow strip known as “Chicken’s neck” that has made the communication and transportation between mainland India and Northeast India inconvenient
    Bangladesh and India
    share a 4,096-kilometer (2,545-mile)-long international border, the
    fifth-longest land border in the world, including 262 km in Assam, 856 km in Tripura, 18 km in Mizoram, 443 km in Meghalaya, and 2,217 km in West Bengal.[1] The Bangladeshi Divisions of Dhaka, Khulna, Rajshahi, Rangpur, Sylhet and Chittagong
    are situated along the border. A number of pillars mark the border
    between the two states. Small demarcated portions of the border are
    fenced on both sides.[citation needed]
    Further information: Radcliffe Line
    The border of Bangladesh first came into being when the Bengal Presidency was created by the British. When India became independent from Great Britain in 1947, the country was divided among Muslim and non-Muslim majority areas. Likewise the provinces of Punjab, Bengal and the Sylhet district of Assam were also bifurcated
    and the border came into being. Muslims were the majority in the
    western part of India and the eastern part of Bengal province. These two
    areas formed the new Islamic republic of Pakistan. The eastern part, East Pakistan, became the People’s Republic of Bangladesh in the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971.
    The border divides the Ganges delta region and the Sundarban mangrove
    forest. It is crisscrossed by a large number of rivers. The area is
    mostly flat with slight hilly terrain in Meghalaya, Assam, Tripura and
    Mizoram sections. The border area is densely populated. The land is
    extremely fertile and is cultivated right up to the border pillars.
    Sometimes the border line passes right through villages, even buildings.
    The area is patrolled by the Indian Border Security Force BSF of India and BGB, formerly known as Bangladesh Rifles or BDR of Bangladesh.
    The border is used as a route for smuggling livestock, food items,
    medicines and drugs from India to Bangladesh. Moreover, illegal
    immigrants from Bangladesh cross the border to India. Because of a large
    number of illegal immigrants crossing from Bangladesh into India, a
    controversial shoot-on-sight policy has been enforced by the Indian
    border patrols.[2][3][4] This policy was initiated with reports of violence between the illegal migrants and Indian soldiers.[5] The border has also witnessed occasional skirmishes between the Indian Border Security Force and the Border Guards Bangladesh, most notably in 2001.
    In July 2009, Channel 4 News reported that hundreds of Bangladeshis
    were killed by the BSF along the Indo-Bangladeshi Barrier. The BSF
    claims that the barrier’s main purpose is to check illegal immigration
    and to prevent cross-border terrorism.[6]
    In 2010, Human Rights Watch (HRW) issued an 81-page report which
    brought up uncountable abuses of the BSF. The report was compiled from
    the interviews taken from the victims of BSF torments, witnesses,
    members of the BSF and its Bangladeshi counterpart.
    The report stated that over 1000 Bangladeshi citizens were killed
    during the first decade of the 21st century. According to HRW, BSF did
    not only shoot illegal migrants or smugglers but even innocents who were
    seen near, sometimes even people working in fields (farmland) near the
    border. .[7]
    BSF has often been accused by Bangladesh
    government of incursions into Bangladesh territory, and indiscriminate
    shooting of civilians along the India-Bangladesh borders. This was in
    retaliation to massive illegal immigration from Bangladesh to India, for which the Indo-Bangladeshi Barrier is underway/[8]
    In a news conference in August 2008, Indian BSF officials admitted that
    they killed 59 illegals (34 Bangladeshis, 21 Indians, rest
    unidentified) who were trying to cross the border during the prior six
    months.[9] Bangladeshi media accused the BSF of abducting 5 Bangladeshi children, aged between 8 and 15, from the Haripur Upazila in Thakurgaon District of Bangladesh, in 2010. The children were setting fishing nets near the border.[10]
    In 2010, Human Rights Watch has accused the Border Security Force for
    the indiscriminate killings. BSF forces badly beaten, physically abused,
    Raped (later killed and hanged the dead body over the fence) Ms. Felani
    (a 15 years old Bangladeshi girl) on 7 January 2011.[11]
    Many conferences have been held between India and Bangladesh to discuss such issues as smuggling and trespassing, cattle lifting, trafficking of drugs and arms. Colonel Muhammad Shahid Sarwar of Bangladesh Rifles gave Border Security Force a list of miscreants which took place in India, and the BSF side also handed over a similar list to the BDR.

    Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses BJP workers at Sarusajai stadium on Sunday. Picture by UB Photos n See Metro
    • The India-Bangladesh land-swap deal was
    signed in 2011 between then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Bangladesh
    PM Sheikh Hasina but was opposed in Assam and Bengal
    • Assam will get 397.50 acres of land from
    Bangladesh, while it has to part with 267.5 acres. Overall, India will
    part with 111 enclaves (17,160 acres) to Bangladesh and receive 51
    enclaves (7,110 acres)
    • States to be affected: Assam, Bengal, Meghalaya and Tripura
    Bill status
    • The UPA-II government had introduced the
    amendment bill in December 2013 to facilitate land-swap deal amid
    strong protests by Trinamul Congress and the AGP
    • The Constitution (119th Amendment) Bill,
    2013, was subsequently referred to the standing committee on external
    affairs, headed by Congress leader Shashi Tharoor
    • The panel has reportedly unanimously approved the bill, while recommending that interests of the states be kept in mind
    • The bill is likely to be tabled in the ongoing session of Parliament sometime next week
    Other highlights
    • There was nothing on issues like NRC
    update, flood and erosion, big dams, ST status and talks with outfits
    though Modi said commitments made during the Lok Sabha poll campaign
    will be kept
    • It was a full house (about 35,000) at
    the stadium but the crowd started thinning four minutes into Modi’s
    20-minute speech. Most attributed it to his appeal to party workers to
    leave in a disciplined manner and not to leave behind any litter
    • Focus on membership drive
    • Leaders exhorted workers to get ready to throw out the Congress in the 2016 Assembly polls
    Source: Telegraph

    AICC secretary Bhupen Kumar Borah said
    today’s developments reflect the BJP’s double standards — be it influx
    or big dam or the National Register of Citizens (NRC).
    Assam PCC chief spokesperson Mehdi Alam
    Bora said his party’s stand on the deal had been vindicated. “Modi’s
    statement shows that the BJP only misled people for political benefits.
    They only spread lies to win elections.”
    AASU president Shankar Prasad Ray said not
    an inch of land of India and Assam should be given away or they would
    launch an agitation.
    “Last evening, during our meeting with him
    (Modi), he assured us that he would look into the problems such as NRC
    update, influx and floods, but asked us to give him some time. Now he
    takes a U-turn. We request him to review any decision in favour of the
    deal, which should be scrapped,” Ray said.
    Founding AGP president and MLA Prafulla
    Kumar Mahanta tweeted, asking the Centre to clear its stand on the land
    deal as well as matters related to issuing visas to Bangladeshis.
    The rally was also used to sound the poll
    bugle for the 2016 Assembly polls where the BJP has emerged as the main
    challenger to the ruling Congress along with the AIUDF.
    Senior leaders who spoke before Modi called on party workers to work towards voting out the Congress.
    Modi also said in his speech, “The BJP
    doesn’t do politics of casteism, communalism or regionalism. We believe
    in the politics of nationalism, development.”

    The BJP state unit had strongly opposed
    the land-swap deal inked by the erstwhile UPA-II government and had even
    made it an issue in the last Lok Sabha elections, saying the party
    would not allow even an inch of Assam land to be given away.
    “Modiji only gave general
    assurances of solving the problems of Assam. He has not made his mind
    clear on the sensitive land-swap deal issue but the ‘short-term loss’
    bit is enough to trigger a storm. He has left behind a massive problem.
    We will have a tough time dealing with the land deal issue. There was
    nothing on influx either. A time-bound plan to rid Assam of influx would
    have been great,” a senior leader said, articulating the concerns of
    the state unit.
    Another leader, quoting a RSS pracharak
    sitting next to him, said the speech “lacked” substance. “We are
    focussing on our membership drive but how will our members motivate
    others without any clear-cut agenda?” he asked.
    Even before Modi left for Imphal, the Congress, the AASU and the AGP pounced on the BJP on his views on the land deal.
    Chief minister Tarun Gogoi told The Telegraph, “I will react tomorrow.”
    Like Modi, Gogoi had also tried to sell
    the deal as one beneficial to Assam. He had promised that the state’s
    security would never be compromised and that Assam would be able to
    fence off the India-Bangladesh border, if the deal was ratified. Unlike
    Gogoi, his party colleagues were only too eager to cash in on the
    opportunity provided by Modi to call the BJP’s bluff.

    I got some of my own wordplay for Momo.
    Modi’s Land Swap Mess
    November 30, 2014
    Modi leaves party in a quandary
    PM ‘supports’ land-swap deal
    Assam BJP leaders present a memento to Modi on Sunday. Picture by UB Photos
    Guwahati, Nov. 30: Prime
    Minister Narendra Modi today said India and Assam’s interests would be
    protected while dealing with the sensitive India-Bangladesh land-swap
    Though Modi did not categorically spell
    out his views on the deal, he dropped broad hints about his government
    being in favour of the pact, which was opposed by the state unit of the
    BJP, the AGP and the AASU, among others, when the UPA-II government
    tried to get it ratified last year.
    “I came before the Lok Sabha polls and
    gave certain assurances. I am telling you again that the government in
    Delhi is committed to solving your problems and would respect your
    sentiments. On the land-swap deal also, I will keep the interests of the
    country in mind and move ahead. I will also keep the interests of Assam
    in mind. Whatever we will do may appear to be a loss in the short term
    but ultimately will do things which will only benefit Assam in the long
    run. I have come to assure the people of Assam on this,” Modi said at a
    massive BJP workers’ rally held here this afternoon. Modi was on a
    two-day visit to the state since yesterday, his first as Prime Minister.
    He had campaigned extensively in Assam
    during the Lok Sabha polls and used today’s rally to thank party workers
    for the good showing in the polls and exhorted them to work with the
    same zeal in the future. The BJP had won seven of the 14 Lok Sabha seats
    in the state, its best showing till date, at the cost of the ruling
    The other sensitive issue Modi touched
    upon during his speech was the influx of Bangladeshis. “We will close
    all routes through which they come to Assam. You believe my words. I am
    saying it with full responsibility. I will see to it that no harm comes
    to Assam,” Modi said, while exhorting party workers and leaders to work
    hard to boost the ongoing membership drive, which will end in March.
    Party insiders said Modi’s speech had to be cut short because of time constraints.
    Modi’s views apparently did not enthuse a
    section of state BJP leaders/workers who had expected something more
    concrete from him on the state’s problems. They were also worried about
    attacks by political rivals on Modi’s views.

    Source: HT

    ...and I am Sid Harth