Sunday Anchor
CHENNAI, November 30, 2014
Updated: November 30, 2014 00:40 IST
Conquering the Tamil heartland
The RSS functionaries see a demographic shift in the drill sessions. Photo: V. Ganesan
The RSS is trying to shed its image of being an organisation of the Brahmins
On October 20, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
sprung a surprise on the Dravidian heartland of Tamil Nadu with what
many considered was a symbolic coup.
The ideological
parent of the BJP, a party which has set Tamil Nadu firmly on its radar,
decided to celebrate the 1,000th year of the coronation of the
celebrated Chola king Rajendra I. Those in the RSS consider it an act of
cultural reclamation. For long, the Dravidian parties, which have their
roots in an atheistic movement, had “appropriated” the kings of Tamil
Nadu into their ideology. The Cholas, RSS members argue, were devout
Hindu kings and this important aspect of history has to be revived.
While
this celebration was announced openly, most RSS activities in Tamil
Nadu are discreet, to say the least. But if one goes by the account of
the “Sevaks,” the organisation, through a combination of campaigns, is
slowly spreading its wings. Perhaps the indicator of a growing interest
in the RSS is the attendance at its “Shakas” (drill sessions). N.
Sadagopan, RSS spokesperson who coordinates with the media, says the
average attendance in these gatherings in the State has touched 40 a day
from a meagre 20 a decade ago. Much of this activity is concentrated in
the south and west of Tamil Nadu, pockets with powerful, land-owning
intermediate castes, which are also serious about their religious
identity.
“It is true that political victories of the
BJP provide a surge of people coming to the RSS. But very soon, we
filter out those committed and those who just want short-term political
benefit,” he says. There are targeted campaigns too. For example, in
metropolitan Chennai, the RSS holds weekly gatherings for IT
professionals. Many of them, in turn, become defenders of the
organisation on the Internet, vigorously countering ideological
accusations on social media.
The RSS functionaries
see a demographic shift in the drill sessions. Years ago, school
students dominated the sessions in Khaki shorts. But at least in the
past five years, the pracharaks claim those in the age group of 25 to 40
dominate, bringing an entirely new dimension to its functioning.
The
RSS is also trying to shed its image of being an organisation of the
Brahmins. In fact, Mr. Sadagopan says the community’s presence is
dwindling by the day. In fact, this squares with some of the
nationalist-minded powerful Other Backward Classes groups politically
moving towards the BJP, even if there are no immediate electoral gains
to be made.
Perhaps, calculated strategies are
beginning to pay off. To usher in a “healthy” caste mix, there is much
focus on Dalit colonies and slums in recent years. As part of the
activities of the Dharma Rakshana Samhiti, a wing of the RSS, Mr.
Sadagopan says pamphlets detailing the importance of the first day of
the Chitrai month (Tamil New Year) are distributed in thousands of Dalit
colonies. The kit contains the pamphlets, a picture of a Hindu god, and
Re. 1 coins used in Yagas, the last one as some sort of a symbolic
protective amulet to diffuse divine grace to the supposedly lowly.
“Essentially,
this is an attempt to bring back into the Hindu fold those who have
been converted. We are received well when we explain to them the
greatness of the Hindu religion,” the RSS leader says.
During
election times, the RSS provides crucial support to the BJP in its
campaign given that the party’s organisation in Tamil Nadu is weak.
While those who conduct day-to-day activities for the RSS are exempted
from this duty, thousands of Swayam Sevaks campaign door-to-door for the
BJP.
“As the number of people coming to the RSS
grows, the BJP will get ideologically committed individuals. This is a
healthy trend,” Mr. Sadagopan says. But the fact that the RSS has gained
in confidence after the resounding victory of the BJP in the May Lok
Sabha polls is exhibited by the public marches it tried to organise
across Tamil Nadu on November 9.
The police clamped
down and stopped the march by thousands carrying a stick in hand wearing
Khaki shorts. The attempt was also seen as a challenge to the ruling
AIADMK, which observers often say has kept the growth of the saffron
brigade in check in recent years.
This is
notwithstanding the fact that the DMK was part of the Vajpayee-led NDA.
Yet, parties like the DMK had to manage serious contradictions vis-a-vis
their ties with Sangh Parivar outfits, firstly after the Babri Masjid
demolition in 1992, and a decade later in the post-Godhra riots phase in
Gujarat.
The present political context, however, is
different. “It is a colossal political clash. As long as the AIADMK is
strong, the BJP’s work would be harder. This realisation has dawned upon
our Central leaders now,” points out a senior Tamil Nadu BJP leader.
The DMK is not so much of a political worry for the saffronites now,
relatively speaking.
...and I am Sid Harth
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