हिन्दू तर्क शास्त्रद्न्य सिद्धार्थ
Get Down and Dirty, Feisty and Nasty News
Pakistan-Russia Bhai-Bhai
Updated: November 20, 2014 23:57 IST
Pakistan, Russia sign defence pact
Pakistan and Russia on Thursday signed a military
cooperation agreement to deepen their defence ties and vowed to
translate their relationship in “tangible” terms during the first visit
of a Russian Defence Minister in 45 years.
Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu’s visit to
Pakistan comes at a very critical juncture as U.S.-led NATO forces are
drawing down from Afghanistan by the end of this year. “The signing of
the Military Cooperation agreement between the two significant countries
of the region is a milestone.
“Both sides will translate this relationship in tangible
terms and further strengthen military-to-military relations,” said
Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif without elaborating on the
agreement.
The visit by the Russian Defence Minister comes against
the backdrop of reports that Moscow had given go-ahead for the sale of
MI-35 helicopters to Pakistan, which is interested in purchasing up to
20 helicopters.
The last visit took place as far back as 1969, when USSR Defence Minister Andrey Grechko made a trip to the country.
Updated: October 8, 2012 03:30 IST
Growing Russia-Pakistan ties a reality that India will have to live with
Russia is clearly interested in resetting ties with Pakistan
When Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin came here in July, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, had a request to make: Could Russian President Vladimir Putin put off his visit to Pakistan in October so that the optics of the India-Russia summit meeting scheduled in November could remain unimpaired?
Mr. Rogozin demurred. Privately his diplomats explained
how that would be difficult. Russia was as concerned as India about
terrorist activity with bases in Pakistan but Moscow could not be more
antagonistic than New Delhi which too is trying to build bridges with
Islamabad through a dialogue process.
“We should not dramatise an outdated situation. Even in
India, which Indian leaders can say Pakistan is an enemy?’’ stated a
Russian diplomat. Even otherwise, the Russian side communicated to New
Delhi, Mr. Putin’s proposed first-ever visit to Pakistan was more to do
with Afghanistan where any future settlement of the problem will depend
on how its neighbours will act, they said.
To South Block’s relief, Mr. Putin did put off his visit
to Pakistan. But in an indication that Russia is clearly interested in
resetting ties with Pakistan, that was not the end of the Russia story
involving India and Pakistan. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov,
who was to visit India on October 4, landed instead in Pakistan. His
Cabinet colleague, Defence Minister Anatoly Serdyukov postponed his
scheduled visit to India as Pakistan Army Chief Asfaq Parvez Kayani flew
to Moscow.
After Mr. Putin cancelled his trip, Moscow offered to
send Mr. Lavrov in his stead. Islamabad was initially reluctant. Like
India which did not like the idea of Mr. Putin first going to Pakistan,
Islamabad did not want to be offered a Foreign Minister instead of a
Head of Government. But Islamabad relented two days before Mr. Lavrov
landed.
Officials in South Block maintain Mr. Lavrov had offered
to come here from Pakistan but External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna
was unavailable. They also dismissed the suggestion that Mr. Serdyukov
had put off his India visit to meet Gen. Kayani in Moscow. “If Mr.
Serdyukov had come to India as planned earlier, he would have reached
Moscow in time to meet the Pakistan army chief,’’ said one official.
But New Delhi knows only too well it no longer has
exclusive rights over Moscow. Russia has sold helicopters for civilian
purposes to Pakistan which can be converted to military use with minimal
fuss. This trend was only to be expected after India shifted from
direct purchases of defence equipment from Moscow to competitive bids in
which Russian companies lost a number of orders to the U.S. and other
western companies.
India diplomats concur with their Russian counterparts
over the main reason for closer Russia-Pakistan engagement — economics
and securing the Russian underbelly from religious extremism. “We are
not sleeping over the developments. It is entirely in the context of
Afghanistan,” the official said.
Growing Russia-Pakistan ties are a reality that India
will have to live with as part of Moscow’s growing engagement with other
countries in the region such as Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
“India could have been more loyal to Russia in the field
of military and technical cooperation and saved it from the
disagreeable situation in which Moscow on its own has to search for
markets to sell military equipment meant for Delhi,” said another
Russian diplomat. The consolation: even in the most optimistic scenario,
the diplomat asserted, military cooperation between Russia and Pakistan
would remain insignificant and would not alter the balance of power in
the region.
When Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin came
here in July, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, had a request to make:
Could Russian President Vladimir Putin put off his visit to Pakistan in
October so that the optics of the India-Russia summit meeting scheduled
in November could remain unimpaired?
Mr. Rogozin demurred. Privately his diplomats explained
how that would be difficult. Russia was as concerned as India about
terrorist activity with bases in Pakistan but Moscow could not be more
antagonistic than New Delhi which too is trying to build bridges with
Islamabad through a dialogue process.
“We should not dramatise an outdated situation. Even in
India, which Indian leaders can say Pakistan is an enemy?’’ stated a
Russian diplomat. Even otherwise, the Russian side communicated to New
Delhi, Mr. Putin’s proposed first-ever visit to Pakistan was more to do
with Afghanistan where any future settlement of the problem will depend
on how its neighbours will act, they said.
To South Block’s relief, Mr. Putin did put off his visit
to Pakistan. But in an indication that Russia is clearly interested in
resetting ties with Pakistan, that was not the end of the Russia story
involving India and Pakistan. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov,
who was to visit India on October 4, landed instead in Pakistan. His
Cabinet colleague, Defence Minister Anatoly Serdyukov postponed his
scheduled visit to India as Pakistan Army Chief Asfaq Parvez Kayani flew
to Moscow.
After Mr. Putin cancelled his trip, Moscow offered to
send Mr. Lavrov in his stead. Islamabad was initially reluctant. Like
India which did not like the idea of Mr. Putin first going to Pakistan,
Islamabad did not want to be offered a Foreign Minister instead of a
Head of Government. But Islamabad relented two days before Mr. Lavrov
landed.
Officials in South Block maintain Mr. Lavrov had offered
to come here from Pakistan but External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna
was unavailable. They also dismissed the suggestion that Mr. Serdyukov
had put off his India visit to meet Gen. Kayani in Moscow. “If Mr.
Serdyukov had come to India as planned earlier, he would have reached
Moscow in time to meet the Pakistan army chief,’’ said one official.
But New Delhi knows only too well it no longer has
exclusive rights over Moscow. Russia has sold helicopters for civilian
purposes to Pakistan which can be converted to military use with minimal
fuss. This trend was only to be expected after India shifted from
direct purchases of defence equipment from Moscow to competitive bids in
which Russian companies lost a number of orders to the U.S. and other
western companies.
India diplomats concur with their Russian counterparts
over the main reason for closer Russia-Pakistan engagement — economics
and securing the Russian underbelly from religious extremism. “We are
not sleeping over the developments. It is entirely in the context of
Afghanistan,” the official said.
Growing Russia-Pakistan ties are a reality that India
will have to live with as part of Moscow’s growing engagement with other
countries in the region such as Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
“India could have been more loyal to Russia in the field
of military and technical cooperation and saved it from the
disagreeable situation in which Moscow on its own has to search for
markets to sell military equipment meant for Delhi,” said another
Russian diplomat. The consolation: even in the most optimistic scenario,
the diplomat asserted, military cooperation between Russia and Pakistan
would remain insignificant and would not alter the balance of power in
the region.
News » International
MOSCOW, August 21, 2012
Updated: August 21, 2012 23:14 IST
Russia hopes India will refloat MMRCA tender
Photo: K. Bhagya Prakash The Russian Mig 35 fighter aircraft
A top Russian arms trade official suggested that India
may cancel the results of its tender for the purchase of 126 medium
multi-role combat aircraft (MMRCA).
“I wouldn’t say that the MMRCA tender is a closed issue.
We have information that the tender is still up in the air,” said
Vyacheskav Dzirkaln, Deputy Director of Russia’s Federal Service for
Military Technical Cooperation.
The French Rafale aircraft won the MMRCA tender, whereas
Russia’s MiG-35 did not even make it to the shortlist, which also
included the European Eurofighter.
Mr. Dzirkaln told the Interfax-AVN news wire on Tuesday
that neither the Indian nor the French side were happy with the
financial terms of the deal and the extent of technology transfer.
“The sides have so far failed to reach agreement on these issues,” the Russian official claimed.
He did not rule out that India may refloat the tender.
“In the tender is floated again, we would be prepared to
take part, taking into account the lessons we have learnt,” Interfax
quoted Mr. Dzirkaln as saying.
The Russian official said the Indo-Russian defence cooperation had “enormous” potential.
“India is Russia’s Number One defence partner. It
accounts for more than a third of the total volume of our
military-technical cooperation with foreign countries,” he said.
Russia’s defence sales topped $13 billion last year.
“The potential [of Indo-Russian defence cooperation] is
enormous and prospects for growth are very impressive,” Mr. Dzirkaln
said.
He spoke hours after the news came that the U.S. Apache
Longbow had beaten Russia’s Mi-28 in the $1.4-billion Indian tender for
the purchase of 22 heavy-duty attack helicopters.
Mr. Dzirkaln said Russia was prioritising technology
transfer and license production of high-tech defence systems in its
defence cooperation with India. He revealed that a contract for the
supply to India of additional 42 long-range multirole Su-30MKI fighters
to India will be signed in the next few months.
“The contract is ready and practically finalised with
the Indian side. It is currently undergoing procedures within the Indian
Defence Ministry. We hope that it will be signed before the end of the
year,” Mr. Dzirkaln said.
Updated: October 8, 2012 03:30 IST
India-Russia equipment developers’ roundtable to be held next month
To explore commercialisation of cutting-edge technologies, and creation of high-tech products
A focused meeting of Indian and Russian equipment
developers and business leaders will be held in New Delhi from October
16 to 18 to promote commercial application of innovative technologies
and new research and development (R&D) projects between the
countries.
The roundtable is expected to draw about 100
participants who will explore mechanisms for commercialisation of
cutting-edge technologies and creation of new high-tech products.
It is the first in a series of get-togethers organised
by the Indo-Russian Centre for Science and Technology (S&T) set up
last December with branches in Moscow and Delhi.
“The main goals set are to facilitate cooperation and
create new linkages, develop industrial assets, promote new R&D and
business projects,” the centre said. It also plans to organise regular
exchanges of researchers, technologists and business people.
A delegation of Indian experts toured Russia last week
to familiarise themselves with Russian technologies for long-distance
radio communication and fabrication of silicon wafers and titanium
sponge.
During the visit, the state-owned Mishra Dhatu Nigam
Limited, which specialises in production of specialised metals and metal
alloys, signed a memorandum of understanding with Russia’s VSMPO-Avisma
Corporation, the world’s largest titanium manufacturer. The two sides
agreed to explore joint projects for use of high-tech titanium products
in aviation, automotive industry, energy and other spheres.
The Indo-Russian S&T Centre has been established to
facilitate industrial applications of R&D work done in both
countries.
Updated: January 26, 2013 17:17 IST
Indo-Russian trade posts impressive growth
Bilateral trade grew by an impressive 32.5 per cent in
January-November and will have zoomed from $8.9 billion in 2011 to $11
billion in 2012 when the December figures are available, according to
India’s Ambassador to Russia Ajai Malhotra.
“This marks the fastest growth in India-Russia trade in
recent years and is especially noteworthy given the global economic
slowdown and the marginal decline in India’s overall trade during 2012,”
Ambassador Malhotra said at a flag hoisting ceremony at the Indian
embassy in Moscow on Saturday.
The two countries have set the goal of boosting bilateral trade to $20 billion by 2015.
The Indian Ambassador also revealed that the Russian
tourist flow to India increased by 22 percent last year. In 2011 the
Indian embassy simplified visa rules for Russians, which led to a surge
in the number of Russians visiting India. Last year the Indian
consulates in Moscow, St. Petersburg and Vladivostok issued 160,000
visas, a jump of 50 percent on 2010.
Despite biting cold hundreds of Indian nationals
gathered on the embassy grounds to celebrate the 64 Republic Day. After
the ceremony children of the embassy school sang some patriotic songs.
Later in the day the Russian dance group “Nritya Sabha” gave a concert
of classical Indian dance at Moscow’s prestigious Higher School of
Economics.
Updated: December 25, 2012 01:58 IST
For Russia, deepening friendship with India is a top foreign policy priority
-
The Hindu MULTIVECTOR COOPERATION: Joint high-technology projects can yield products that India and Russia can offer to markets of third countries. Photo: Sandeep Saxena
-
Russian President Vladimir Putin. Photo: Special Arrangement
A new level of partnership can be achieved by developing business, scientific and technological, and humanitarian ties
I am glad to have an opportunity to address the readers of one of the most influential Indian newspapers — The Hindu.
As my visit to New Delhi is beginning, I would like to outline
approaches to further development of the strategic partnership between
India and Russia.
This year marked the 65 anniversary of diplomatic
relations between our countries. During the past decades we have
acquired vast experience of working together and achieved progress in a
range of fields. Political epochs changed but the principles of
bilateral ties, such as mutual confidence and equality, remained the
same. I would like to stress that deepening of friendship and
cooperation with India is among the top priorities of our foreign
policy. And now we have every reason to say that they have really unique
special and privileged character.
The Declaration on Strategic Partnership between India
and Russia signed in October 2000 became a truly historic step. The
developments in the first decade of the 21 century confirmed that it was
a particularly significant and timely step. In fact, today we, the
whole civilization, face serious challenges. These are unbalanced global
development, economic and social instability, lack of confidence and
security.
In that situation India and Russia show an example of responsible leadership and collective actions in the international arena.
Multipolar world
We have a common goal — to make the world we live in
more just, democratic and secure and to facilitate resolving global and
regional problems, including the situation in the Middle East and North
Africa, and in Afghanistan.
I would like to note that our joint work in the BRICS
has become increasingly intensive. The authority of that association is
growing every year, and that is quite natural. Our proposed initiatives
are aimed at establishing new architecture for a multipolar world order.
The same constructive approach is also reflected in our interaction in
the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and other multilateral formats. We
expect a meaningful dialogue with the Indian side within the framework
of Russia’s presidency in the G20 that has begun.
Joint steps in the international arena, participation in
the development of rules of global trade and enhancing business,
scientific and technological and humanitarian ties form the basis for
achieving a new quality of partnership.
We attach particular significance to bilateral trade and
investment relations. The growing economic potential of India and
Russia is mutually complementary in many respects. Our trade turnover
has overcome the consequences of the global crisis, and in 2012 we
expect to reach record numbers, over $10 billion. Our next goal is to
reach $20 billion by 2015.
To this end, we should engage all reserves and maintain
direct contacts between business communities and promote establishing
efficient investment, technological and industry alliances in the most
dynamic and promising fields, for instance, in the energy industry,
primarily the nuclear one.
The construction of the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant
with the use of the most reliable and up-to-date technologies and
standards became a major breakthrough project in that field. The
beginning of operation of the first power unit of that plant will allow
to significantly reduce the energy deficiency in southern States of
India, and eventually eliminate it completely, after the launch of the
second and other power units. We expect that the implementation of our
arrangements on the construction of new NPPs in India will begin in the
nearest future.
We hope for significant returns from long-term projects
in steel industry, hydrocarbon production, car and aircraft
manufacturing, chemical and pharmaceuticals industries, in the field of
information and biotechnologies. Important benchmarks are set in the
Integrated Long-Term Program of Cooperation in the sphere of science,
technology and innovation until 2020. Its main task is to ensure that
our scientists conduct fundamental and applied research in order to
create new technologies, equipment and materials.
The joint operation of Russian global navigation
satellite system GLONASS opens up broad prospects. The package of
respective bilateral agreements has already been signed. We intend to
promote practical interaction in that important area.
The strategic nature of the partnership between India
and Russia is witnessed by the unprecedented level of our military and
technical cooperation. The licensed production and joint development of
advanced armaments rather than just purchasing military products becomes
a key area of activities.
Serious attention is being paid to developing a fifth
generation multifunctional fighter plane and a multipurpose transport
aircraft. The product of our designers, the ‘BrahMos’ cruise missile,
has successfully passed all tests. Today experts are thinking of its
aircraft version.
I am confident that such a multivector cooperation will
allow our countries not only to reach leading positions as a range of
hi-technology projects are concerned, but will help to successfully
advance joint products to markets of third countries.
Humanitarian cooperation has a particular significance
for India and Russia, which are states with great cultural heritage and
potential. The centuries-old history and culture of India, majestic
architectural monuments and museums of Delhi, Agra and Mumbai have a
unique attractive force. In its turn, Indian citizens with interest
discover the wealth of Russian music, literature and art. The Festival
of Russian Culture in India and All-Russian Festival of Modern Cinema
and Culture of India which were successfully held this year have
convincingly proved it once again.
I am confident that awareness-raising and educational
projects should be more actively promoted and tourism and youth
exchanges developed. In fact, they enrich our citizens and add new
contents to human dimension of bilateral relations which becomes all the
more significant and relevant today.
The India-Russia summit in New Delhi was preceded by
painstaking and comprehensive preparations. We have a clear vision of
major vectors of future-oriented joint work. I am confident that the
summit talks will be constructive, as they always were, and their
outcome will give a powerful impetus to a strategic partnership for the
benefit of our two countries and peoples, in the interests of peace and
stability in Eurasia and on our common planet.
I will take the liberty to outline joint prospects for
strategic partnership between India and Russia in the 21 century. These
are deepening of cooperation in knowledge-intensive fields based on
strong historic traditions, advancement of joint products to
international markets, further increasing of the share of high value
added products in the trade turnover, enhancing the role and
effectiveness of Indian-Russian interaction in international affairs,
and the widest possible realization of the potential of cultural and
humanitarian contacts.
I sincerely wish to the people of friendly India peace, well-being and new impressive achievements.
(Vladimir Putin is President of Russia. He arrives in New Delhi on Monday)
December 28, 2012
Updated: December 28, 2012 01:48 IST
Still comrades after all these years
The India-Russia summit saw positive formulations on many issues, while providing an opportunity to address difficult questions like Kudankulam
Russia was the first country with which India
established a strategic partnership in 2000 when Vladimir Putin became
President and reversed the drift in ties under Boris Yeltsin when Moscow
veered westwards and lost interest in its Soviet-era friendships. The
declaration of a strategic partnership with India was a pragmatic step,
calculated to restore Russia’s role in international affairs by linking
up with independent-minded, friendly, economically resurgent countries
like India that could help promote multi-polarity and resist United
States-led policies of regime change and intervention in the internal
affairs of sovereign countries.
Since then, India has signed strategic partnership
agreements with several countries, including the U.S. whose
unilateralism was the motive for espousing multipolarity in the first
place. The India-U.S. strategic partnership agreement shifts the balance
in India’s foreign policy as its logic is both to deepen bilateral ties
and build convergences in policies on regional and global issues.
Because of the disparity of power between them, the U.S. has more
capacity to influence India’s policies than the reverse, with the result
that changes in India’s stance on some domestic and foreign issues is
often attributed to U.S. influence, causing misgivings about India’s
U.S. tilt.
Perceived westward tilt
If before 2000 it was Russia’s westward tilt that
unsettled our bilateral relationship, it is now the perceived westward
tilt of India that is causing some unease in Russian thinking.
To underline the claim that the India-Russia
relationship is in fine fettle and distinguish it from India’s other
strategic partnerships, the two countries declared last year that theirs
was a “special and privileged” one. But such well meaning rhetoric does
not match reality.
If the economic pillar of relationships is more
important today than the political one, then the inability of India and
Russia to build a strong bilateral economic relationship weakens the
foundations of overall ties. At $10 billion currently, two-way trade,
even with a 30 per cent increase over the previous year, is small,
compared to $100 billion in economic exchanges with the U.S. and almost
$73 billion of trade in goods with China. The target of $20 billion by
2015 appears optimistic. Many efforts at the government level to promote
more business to business contacts have not galvanised the economic
relationship because of the hangover of the state controlled trade
arrangements of the past that blunt real entrepreneurship on both sides,
the decline of the public sector in India and the state oriented
structure of the Russian economy, and also because the most dynamic,
technologically modernising sectors of our economy, especially
knowledge-based, are west oriented. In this context, some agreements
signed during the summit in IT and pharmaceutical sectors, as well as on
satellite based navigation systems using GLONASS (the Russian GPS
system), are encouraging.
In areas of obvious complementarities, as in the energy
sector, achievements have remained modest despite several summit level
discussions during the 12 years of strategic partnership. The joint
statement issued at the end of the just concluded summit between Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh and President Putin devotes considerable
attention to the subject, with some indication of progress. We have, as
before, reiterated our interest in equity participation in new projects
in Siberia, Russia’s Far East and the Arctic shelf, as well as in
discovered/producing assets and proposed LNG projects in Russia. In
return, Russia has always pitched for a share in downstream activities
in India, to which we are agreeable. The LNG deal between GAIL and the
Gazprom group for long-term supply of 2.5 mmt mentioned in the joint
statement is to be welcomed. We are looking to Russia to ease the tax
liability on Indian investment in Imperial Energy which is making the
project unremunerative.
As against this, the atmosphere for Russian investment
in India has been soured by the problems Sistema has been facing in the
telecom sector with its licences revoked by the Supreme Court’s 2G
judgment, putting in jeopardy its multi-billion dollar investment that
includes $700 million of Russian debt funds. The issue has got
complicated because Sistema contends rightly that it acted within the
policy framework and committed no wrongdoing and the Russian government
seeks resolution through executive fiat and is unpersuaded that the
government of India cannot disregard the Supreme Court judgment. Some
amicable solution seems to have been explored as the issue does not
figure in the joint statement, while India’s problem with Russian tax
laws in connection with Imperial Energy does.
Disappointment
Russia’s disappointment with the delay in signing the
agreement on Kudankulam 3 and 4, despite the attractive financial terms
offered, is understandable. Having agreed to set up nuclear plants in
defiance of U.S.-led international restrictions on civilian nuclear
cooperation with India and supply nuclear fuel for Tarapur, the Russians
are resentful that India wants to treat them and the Americans and the
French alike with regard to our nuclear liability law, especially as the
inter-governmental agreement pertaining to these reactors preceded our
liability legislation. However, with Fukushima and the public agitation
against Kudankulam 1 and 2, not to mention the Supreme Court’s
involvement in the matter, the issue has become politically difficult
for the government. The answer may lie in increased cost of Russian
reactors to cater for liability exposure. If Russia explored a practical
solution within the rules framed under our liability law that provides
considerable scope for limiting the financial liability of the supplier,
Kudankulam 3 and 4 could be signed and Russia would dramatically
increase its head start over others in India’s nuclear sector.
Similarly, on defence contracts, the Russians are
unhappy at the negative publicity over the inordinate delay in
delivering the aircraft carrier, now slated for November 2013, even as
the Government of India has been extremely accommodating over the delay.
Russia retains its privileged position as the largest source of defence
supplies to India, but gets upset when it loses some tenders. Because
the India-Russia relationship is excessively defence weighted, such
losses are felt all the more acutely. India has to manage Russian
expectations even as it is obliged to diversify its sources of supply as
part of building strategic ties with other partners. The answer lies in
diversifying the India-Russia relationship and giving it strong
non-defence legs. On the positive side, the two countries are engaged in
joint projects such as the Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft,
Multi-Role Transport Aircraft and the BrahMos missile, while India has
ordered an additional 12 MI-17v5 helicopters as well as technological
kits for 42 additional Sukhoi 30-MKI aircraft. It is ironic that
although India is the biggest user of Russian platforms which are used
in exercises with the U.S. armed forces, military level contacts with
the Russians, as compared to those with the U.S., are negligible. Beyond
all this, it is a huge policy failure on our part that with so much
access to advanced Russian equipment we have failed to establish an
indigenous defence manufacturing base.
The joint statement has substantive paragraphs with
positive formulations on several regional and global issues. Russia has
expressed satisfaction with India’s cooperation as a non-permanent
member of the U.N. Security Council and reiterated its strong support
for its candidature for permanent membership. The formulation on
terrorism is robust. Pakistan is not named, but the implication,
including in the context of Afghanistan, is clear, easing doubts raised
by Russia’s recent overtures to Pakistan. The Taliban is not named, but
in the context of attempts to have a dialogue with it, both countries
have recalled the redlines for this and have implicitly opposed the
dilution of U.N. sanctions against the extremist elements.
The formulation on Syria reflects convergence in
thinking on essentials, as also that on Iran where any military option
is opposed. In the long paragraph on security in Asia, there is a call
for inclusive regional security architecture. In the background of
Chinese claims in South China Sea, the need for strengthening maritime
security in accordance with the universally accepted principles of
international law is stressed. The trilateral India-Russia-China
mechanism gets a positive mention, with Russia conveying its support for
India’s membership of SCO and APEC. The important role BRICS plays in a
multi-polar order and collective decision making is noted. Both
countries back a more representative and legitimate international
financial architecture that includes an expeditious reform of the IMF.
Russia has extended support to India’s membership of the
MTCR (Missile Technology Control Regime) and Wassenar Arrangement as
well as the Nuclear Suppliers Group. The Australia Group is a notable
omission. In the joint statement, India has “underscored its
determination to actively contribute to international efforts at
strengthening nuclear non-proliferation regime,” which, apart from the
clumsy language, is unclear about what is implied.
All in all, despite a truncated visit consistent with
Mr. Putin’s matter-of-fact, businesslike style, the 13th summit was
timely in providing an opportunity to the two sides to underline a
shared understanding on several important issues and address some
vexatious ones creating ripples across the smooth surface of the
bilateral relationship.
(The writer is a former Foreign Secretary)
Copyright© 2014, The Hindu
..and I am Sid Harth
