Inside Rampal's ashram: Faith is the base, money brings glitter
Navneet Sharma, Sat Singh and Rajesh Ahuja , Hindustan Times Barwala (Hisar), November 21, 2014
First Published: 00:30 IST(21/11/2014) | Last Updated: 02:26 IST(21/11/2014)
It’s 12 acres of luxury — the best money and blind faith can buy.
The Satlok Ashram of controversial sect leader Rampal Dass, arrested in a late-night swoop Wednesday and ordered in judicial custody till November 28 the next day by the Punjab and Haryana high court, is built like a fortress, surrounded by high walls with watchtowers.
Policemen evacuate supporters of Rampal at Satlok Ashram in Barwala, Hisar, on Thursday. (Gurpreet Singh/HT photo)
“The ashram is built like a fort meant to ward off an invasion.
It reminded me of the Agra fort,” said a senior police officer who was
part of the Operation Samvedi (sensitive) conducted over three days to
nab the “mouse”— codename for the 63-year-old engineer-turned-preacher.
The “fortress” saw bloody clashes Tuesday as the police tried to storm the ashram to arrest Rampal for contempt of court after he repeatedly failed to appear in the HC in a 2006 murder case.
On Thursday, the court cancelled Rampal’s bail in the case even as two more murder cases were slapped against him after six people died in the stand-off.
Cops examine the chair from the area from which Rampal delivered his sermons. (Gurpreet Singh/HT photo)
When HT team visited the complex, which came up in four years, at around 1.40pm, thousands of Rampal’s followers were still inside, most of them in the prayer (satsang) hall — the centre piece of the sprawling complex.
By evening, the police, who searched the ashram, had managed to move out 4,000 people.
The hall that can seat 50,000 has a special enclosure from where Rampal, who claims to be a devotee of mystic poet Kabir, delivered sermons from a hydraulic chair as his private militia stood guard. Separate sitting areas are marked for men and women. Dozens of air-conditioners and hundreds of fans can be seen. A local police officer gave the break-up: 10,000 ceiling and 1,000 exhaust fans under one roof.
A view of the swimming pool at Rampal's ashram. (Gurpreet Singh/ HT photo)
On the extreme left corner of the complex is a four-storey mansion Rampal lived in. A private swimming pool, state-of-the art elevators, 24 AC rooms with attached bathrooms fitted with top-of-the line fixtures, Rampal, whose followers largely come from low-income strata, lived big. One of the rooms had a massage bed, another treadmills as Rampal stared down from huge wall posters. When reports last came in, the police were trying to break open lockers that were there in most of the rooms.
The ashram is one of several Rampal has. Though there is no property Rampal’s name, his Kabir Parmeshwar Bhakti Trust owns large chunks of land in Haryana and is building another ashram in MP. “The ashram owns dozens of buses and vehicles. So far, about 100 vehicles have been impounded,” Hisar deputy commissioner ML Kaushik said.
Sources said there were indications that around 24 firearms were found in the ashram but the police were not ready to confirm it.
A dog walks outside the main entrance of the ashram which saw violent clashes between Rampal's supporters and police Tuesday. (AFP photo)
The Satlok Ashram of controversial sect leader Rampal Dass, arrested in a late-night swoop Wednesday and ordered in judicial custody till November 28 the next day by the Punjab and Haryana high court, is built like a fortress, surrounded by high walls with watchtowers.
Policemen evacuate supporters of Rampal at Satlok Ashram in Barwala, Hisar, on Thursday. (Gurpreet Singh/HT photo)
The “fortress” saw bloody clashes Tuesday as the police tried to storm the ashram to arrest Rampal for contempt of court after he repeatedly failed to appear in the HC in a 2006 murder case.
On Thursday, the court cancelled Rampal’s bail in the case even as two more murder cases were slapped against him after six people died in the stand-off.
Cops examine the chair from the area from which Rampal delivered his sermons. (Gurpreet Singh/HT photo)
When HT team visited the complex, which came up in four years, at around 1.40pm, thousands of Rampal’s followers were still inside, most of them in the prayer (satsang) hall — the centre piece of the sprawling complex.
By evening, the police, who searched the ashram, had managed to move out 4,000 people.
The hall that can seat 50,000 has a special enclosure from where Rampal, who claims to be a devotee of mystic poet Kabir, delivered sermons from a hydraulic chair as his private militia stood guard. Separate sitting areas are marked for men and women. Dozens of air-conditioners and hundreds of fans can be seen. A local police officer gave the break-up: 10,000 ceiling and 1,000 exhaust fans under one roof.
A view of the swimming pool at Rampal's ashram. (Gurpreet Singh/ HT photo)
On the extreme left corner of the complex is a four-storey mansion Rampal lived in. A private swimming pool, state-of-the art elevators, 24 AC rooms with attached bathrooms fitted with top-of-the line fixtures, Rampal, whose followers largely come from low-income strata, lived big. One of the rooms had a massage bed, another treadmills as Rampal stared down from huge wall posters. When reports last came in, the police were trying to break open lockers that were there in most of the rooms.
The ashram is one of several Rampal has. Though there is no property Rampal’s name, his Kabir Parmeshwar Bhakti Trust owns large chunks of land in Haryana and is building another ashram in MP. “The ashram owns dozens of buses and vehicles. So far, about 100 vehicles have been impounded,” Hisar deputy commissioner ML Kaushik said.
Sources said there were indications that around 24 firearms were found in the ashram but the police were not ready to confirm it.
A dog walks outside the main entrance of the ashram which saw violent clashes between Rampal's supporters and police Tuesday. (AFP photo)
The Triumph of the Hindu Right
Freedom of Speech and Religious Repression in Modi's India
(Jonathan Ernst / Courtesy Reuters)
- The Triumph of the Hindu Right23 min 10 secs
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On Hinduism. By WENDY DONIGER. Oxford University Press, 2014, 680 pp. $39.95.
The Hindus: An Alternative History. By WENDY DONIGER. Penguin Press, 2009, 800 pp. $25.00.
In February, Penguin Books India pledged to cease publishing The Hindus: An Alternative History,
a 2009 book by Wendy Doniger, a prominent American scholar of India and
Hinduism. The publisher also promised to recall and pulp all copies of
the book available for sale in India. Penguin’s decision was prompted by
a complaint filed by Dina Nath Batra, a retired schoolteacher who heads
a right-wing Hindu nationalist group, the Shiksha Bachao Andolan Samiti
(Campaign Committee to Save Education, or SBAS). The group claimed that
Doniger’s work denigrated Hinduism and Hindus and thus violated Indian
laws prohibiting “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage
religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious
beliefs.” Batra’s organization is affiliated with the hard-line
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (National Patriotic Organization, or RSS),
which is driven by an ideology of Hindutva (Hinduness) and envisions
India as a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu nation) -- a state defined by and
restricted to Hindus.
The SBAS alleged that Doniger’s work was riddled with
factual inaccuracies and deliberate misrepresentations of Hindu deities
and Scriptures that amounted to “heresies.” The group’s most vehement
objections concerned Doniger’s interpretations of sex and sexuality in
Hindu traditions. In her five decades of scholarship, Doniger has sought
to highlight and reclaim the earthy and even erotic elements of
Hinduism that were suppressed during the colonial era by British
authorities and missionaries -- and by some Indians who sought to
“modernize” their country’s religious practices.
For instance, Doniger argues that the lingam,
a symbol of the Hindu deity Shiva that is found in temples, should be
understood “unequivocally as an iconic representation of the male sexual
organ in erection, in particular as the erect phallus” of Shiva.
Similarly, Doniger notes that the Mahabharata, one of the two
Sanskrit epics, portrays the deity Krishna as “a prince with many wives,
sixteen thousand by some counts,” and points out that other Hindu texts
"depict Krishna as a handsome young man who dances with the many Gopis,
the wives of the cowherd men. In the great circle dance in the
moonlight . . . he doubles himself again and again so that each Gopi
thinks that Krishna is with her. Similarly the Gopis double themselves,
leaving shadow images of themselves in bed with their unsuspecting
husbands."
The SBAS’ claim to find such ideas offensive might have
been easier to take seriously were it not coupled with overt misogyny:
Doniger’s approach to her topic, the group’s legal complaint explained,
revealed her to be “a woman hungry of sex.”
Had the lawsuit against Penguin and Doniger proceeded, it
is likely that a higher court would have ultimately upheld their rights
to write, publish, and sell The Hindus. But Penguin decided not
to pursue that route and instead capitulated, agreeing to an
out-of-court settlement with the SBAS that required Penguin to withdraw
the book from the Indian market. Soon after, the SBAS threatened legal
action against Aleph, the Indian publisher of Doniger’s most recent
book, a collection of essays titled On Hinduism, alleging that
it, too, was injurious to Hindus. Aleph temporarily withdrew the
collection and announced that four independent experts would review its
content; three months later, the book reappeared in bookstores,
apparently unchanged.
Indian democracy has long been limited by colonial-era
laws that restrict speech in the name of protecting religion. Religious
groups routinely exploit such statutes to limit the freedom of
expression that generally characterizes public life in the world’s
largest democracy. Dozens of Indian scholars, writers, and artists have
found their work in the cross hairs of such self-appointed guardians of
faith, as have the British Indian writer Salman Rushdie, whose novel The Satanic Verses was banned in India, and the New York Times
editor Joseph Lelyveld, whose biography of Mahatma Gandhi was banned in
the Indian state of Gujarat. For decades, the fight over freedom of
expression has divided Indian intellectual opinion, with little middle
ground between the two most vocal camps: secular liberals on one end of
the spectrum and religious conservatives on the other. The Doniger
affair represented a clear victory for the conservatives, who are riding
higher now than at any moment in India’s postindependence history.
Indian liberals were dismayed by Penguin’s decision and by
the possibility that Aleph might have followed suit. But what most
worried them was the way in which the Doniger affair seemed to fit into a
broader trend of right-wing ascendance in Indian politics and society.
After an intense campaign, national elections took place over five weeks
in April and May. The Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
won a clear majority, and Narendra Modi, the chief minister of Gujarat,
became India’s new prime minister. Modi now heads the most right-wing
government ever to lead India. He started his political career as a
young cadre in the hard-line RSS and eventually rose to the top echelons
of its leadership. His victory represents the culmination of decades of
Hindu nationalist ideological development and political activism -- and
is a direct threat to Indian liberalism. The convergence was hard to
miss: just as the RSS and its allies gained the upper hand in their
crusade against Doniger’s supposed heresies, their champion, Modi, was
marching toward victory at the ballot box.
But there was also some irony to the way these two stories
played out in tandem. For although Doniger’s scholarship is a reliable
guide to the traditions and Scriptures of Hinduism and the faith’s
relationship to Indian culture and society over two and half millennia,
it sheds relatively little light on how Hindu nationalism became a
powerful force during the twentieth century. Readers looking for an
authoritative account of Hinduism’s place in Indian civilization will
find it in The Hindus and On Hinduism. But those
looking for a similarly substantial take on Hinduism’s rise in modern
Indian politics should look elsewhere. Put another way: Modi might have
learned a few useful things about the country he now leads from
observing the mixture of religion and politics that produced the Doniger
controversy, but Doniger’s readers won’t learn much from her books
about the mixture of religion and politics that produced Modi.
ZEN DIAGRAM
On Hinduism is a collection culled from 140
essays Doniger wrote between 1968 and 2012, some of which have been
revised, condensed, and updated. The book might bewilder non-Hindu
Western readers, partly because Doniger seems to assume (or hope) that
her audience will consist of many Indians and Hindus who won’t need too
much simplification or reduction. In fairness, of course, Hinduism is a
vast, complex topic, more difficult to pin down, in many respects, than
the Abrahamic faiths. In fact, the term “Hinduism” is of relatively
recent coinage; only since modern times has that single word been used
to refer to what is in reality a huge variety of faiths, sects, and
cults.
The Hindu religion is a palace with many rooms -- and also
some gardens, terraces, outhouses, and a basement. Unlike other world
religions, Hinduism is not built on one God, one book, one prophet, or
one holy place. Very crudely put, adherents of Hinduism for the most
part believe in rebirth and the transmigration of the soul; in gods and
goddesses who occupy a divine world that is distinct from the human
world; in the centrality of karma, deeds that drive the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth; in the possibility of moksha, a final release from karma
and its entailments, when the individual soul merges with the cosmic
soul; in the validity of the caste system as a form of social
organization; and in the interrelationship between human life and the
world of nature.
But this hardly captures the extreme variety within the
practice of the faith. Doniger addresses this definitional problem in
the opening essay of On Hinduism: "What we need instead of a
definite list of shared factors, therefore, is something rather more
like a Venn diagram, a set of intersecting circles of concepts and
beliefs and practices. . . . But since there is no single central
quality that all Hindus must have, the emptiness in the center suggests
that the figure might better be named a Zen diagram, a Venn diagram that
has no central ring."
Doniger, faced with the challenge posed by this amorphous
topic, has produced a work of admirable breadth. Some of the most
interesting essays in On Hinduism examine yoga and ayurveda,
two systems that combine mental concentration, physical exercise,
breathing, diet, medicine, and healing, and that originated in ancient
India but have gone on to lead complex afterlives elsewhere, especially
in the United States. Through yoga and ayurveda, Hindu and Buddhist
theories of consciousness, thought and action, life and death, sickness
and health have become detached from esoteric texts and have emerged as
globalized secular disciplines available to people of all cultures and
religions. Doniger reveals how contemporary, westernized, and physically
oriented aspects of yoga now define the practice just as much as Indian
philosophical approaches that are concerned primarily with the mind (or
with consciousness) and only later with the body.
HINDU NATION
Yet Doniger does not do quite enough to straighten out the
tangled relationship within Hinduism between ancient and modern,
Eastern and Western. Admittedly, it’s a tall order to offer a
comprehensive, exhaustive portrait of Hinduism in all its forms. But
conspicuously missing from her otherwise wide-ranging book is a clear
account of Hinduism’s reinvention over the past 200 years.
Beginning in the nineteenth century, when India’s
encounter with colonialism produced periods of internal reflection,
revision, criticism, and revival among Indian intellectuals and
religious leaders, new schools and strands of “reform Hinduism” have led
to important changes in traditional beliefs and practices. Driving much
of this ferment was the aspiration of many Hindu thinkers and leaders
to “Semitize” Hinduism and render it similar to Judaism, Christianity,
and Islam by endowing it with a more clearly identifiable set of
canonical texts, doctrines, institutions, and sources of authority.
Chief among these revisionist figures was Vinayak Damodar
Savarkar, a poet and political activist who pushed for Indian
independence from the United Kingdom and who, during the 1920s,
developed the concept of Hindutva. In order to possess Hindutva,
Savarkar claimed, a person -- a man, really, because Savarkar and his
Hindu nationalist acolytes tended to use rigidly patriarchal terms --
must think of India as both his “fatherland” and his “holy land.” He
must be attached to India not simply through the fact of his birth there
but through a love for “Hindu civilization,” which Savarkar defined as
representing “a common history, common heroes, a common literature,
common art, a common law and a common jurisprudence, common fairs and
festivals, rites and rituals, ceremonies and sacraments.” Savarkar tried
to fill in the empty circle at the center of Doniger’s Venn diagram
with definitions and identities drawn from modern nationalism, which had
almost nothing to do with the religious lives of millions of Hindus.
Hindutva revolves around history, culture, and civilization, rather than
belief, worship, and tradition. It is a political credo, not a
religious faith.
Savarkar and his followers lionized Benito Mussolini and
Adolf Hitler and sought to adapt elements of fascist politics to India.
But the early Hindu nationalists had little success in the face of
Gandhi’s enormous popularity and his leadership of an anticolonial
movement that eventually brought down the British Raj. Gandhi’s
philosophy, with its emphasis on nonviolence and tolerance, stood in
stark contrast to the divisive vision of Hindutva leaders, and the two
movements were often in conflict. Indeed, Nathuram Godse, the man who
assassinated Gandhi in 1948, was a follower of Savarkar.
In the aftermath of the murder, mobs attacked Sarvarkar’s
house in Mumbai. Authorities later arrested and tried him for conspiring
in the assassination plot. He was acquitted and released, but he was
rearrested soon after for making inflammatory speeches. The authorities
set him free only once he agreed to give up his political activities,
and he mostly retreated from public view for the remainder of his life
(he died in 1966).
But Savarkar’s dream of a Hindu Rashtra never died. It was
kept alive over the decades by groups such as the RSS and, later, by
the BJP, which leavened Savarkar’s extreme vision of Hindu supremacy
with a more palatable pro-business, technocratic approach to politics,
all the while stoking Hindu nationalist sentiment by exploiting tensions
between Hindus and Muslims. Modi has perfected this synthesis -- so
skillfully, in fact, that even some Indian liberals appear willing to
believe that despite his decades of involvement in Hindu nationalist
causes, Modi embraced Hindutva mostly as an electoral strategy and the
“real” Modi is not a divisive ideologue but a pragmatic, growth-oriented
manager.
DONIGER DONNYBROOK
Doniger has little to say about these aspects of
contemporary Hinduism’s story. She has criticized the efforts of groups
such as the RSS to “Hinduize” India. She also rejects the essentialist
quality of Hindu nationalist thought. After all, she writes, there is no
Hindu canon, and “ideas about all the major issues of faith and
lifestyle -- vegetarianism, nonviolence, belief in rebirth, even caste
-- are subjects of a debate, not a dogma.”
Yet in spite of the breadth of her critical gaze and the
accessibility of her prose, Doniger does not venture deeply enough into
Hinduism’s complex history and turbulent present. One problem is perhaps
insurmountable: her perspective remains that of an outsider -- a
knowledgeable, even expert, outsider, but an outsider nevertheless. She
seems to feel sympathy for her subject but not empathy. She is curious
but not passionate. This makes her books easy to pick up but also easy
to put down.
Still, while it’s easy to imagine readers being left cold
by Doniger’s views on Hinduism, it’s much harder to understand why
anyone would be insulted, offended, or agitated by them. Her critics
have accused her of Christian missionary zeal (despite the fact that
she’s Jewish) and of practicing a kind of intellectual imperialism. In
reality, Doniger, who has taught at the University of Chicago since
1978, is part of a group of scholars who during the past three decades
have dismantled the colonial and Orientalist assumptions of Western
Indology.
That fact is lost on many of Doniger’s detractors, not all
of whom reside on the Indian subcontinent. Indeed, the most vocal of
Doniger’s critics include Indian Americans deeply sensitive to the ways
in which their religion, culture, and traditions are represented in the
United States. The Hindu American Foundation, a Washington-based
advocacy group that models itself on Jewish organizations such as the
Anti-Defamation League, has blasted Doniger’s work as “pornographic . . .
skewed and super-ficial” and urged academic organizations not to honor
Doniger or promote her scholarship.
MODI'S MOMENT
The controversy over Doniger’s work yielded a brief boost
in attention to and sales of her books. And despite Penguin’s decision
to withdraw The Hindus, it continues to be available in India,
thanks to versions circulating on the Internet, foreign editions that
Indians can order from Amazon and other online booksellers, and e-book
editions that remain legal to sell and buy. But the existence of
well-organized anti-Doniger campaigns on two continents surely limits
Doniger’s ability to reach the Hindu audiences that might benefit most
from her insights. It hardly helps matters that sexist attitudes -- in
the United States as well as in India -- make it harder for female
scholars, even very accomplished and established ones such as Doniger,
to write freely, provocatively, and creatively about subjects that touch
the raw nerves of cultural pride, historical memory, and group
identity. Doniger’s work is particularly galling to patriarchal
conservatives in India, focusing as it does on feminist undercurrents
within Hinduism that undermine the authority of elite, upper-caste,
male, and orthodox sections of Hindu society. That’s one reason why, for
all its flaws, Doniger’s work is valuable at the moment, as the Modi
era begins to cast a shadow over liberal and secular traditions in
India.
Modi’s election was the first occasion since the late
1940s that Hindutva beliefs seem to have appealed to Indians across
regional, class, and caste divides. Of course, it isn’t completely clear
that Hindu nationalism truly drove the BJP’s electoral victory. Nor is
anyone certain of how much influence Hindutva ideology will have on
Modi’s government. Modi might sacrifice the support of hard-liners in
order to seek a broad consensus on economic policy, foreign policy, or
other issues that don’t directly touch the intersection of religion and
politics. On the other hand, if his political standing remains strong,
he might well jettison the preferences of the vocal but tiny liberal
intelligentsia and reveal himself as the champion of Hindutva that he
has always been at heart.
Indian liberals would prefer the first scenario. But they
are understandably alarmed that either way, the future of Indian
liberalism and secularism now depends so much on the political
calculations of a man who has made clear his antipathy toward such
values. The fight over Doniger, which both terrified and energized many
Indian liberals, might soon seem a mere prelude to a larger, much uglier
struggle.
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