Letter from China
Dispatches by Evan Osnos.
November 29, 2011
Huntsman, China, and the Bears
Posted by Evan Osnos
In the November 12th Republican Presidential debate, Jon Huntsman, a former U.S. Ambassador to China, suggested that the U.S. “should be reaching out to our allies and constituencies within China. They’re called the young people. They’re called the internet generation … and they are bringing about change the likes of which is going to take China down.”Two weeks later, his “take China down” reference is still ricocheting around Beijing, more a reflection of Chinese insecurities than of any substantive disagreement. Polls conducted by the Global Times, which should be seen not as polls, exactly, but as megaphones for a certain realm of thought, show a couple of things: the top-line result is standard—two-thirds of those polled “reject” Huntsman’s prediction—but more surprising is the fact that forty per cent believe his statement reflects existing U.S. policy. “When asked what means Washington are deploying to ‘take China down’ through the Internet, 25 percent chose fomenting social conflicts, 23 percent picked cultivating dissidents and 21.8 percent selected advocating Western political values,” according to a write-up, which added, for good measure, a foreign-policy expert pointing out that American “politicians should spend more time addressing their own problems, such as the ongoing Occupy Wall Street movement.”
A fuller answer to the question of whether or not China’s Internet generation will “take China down” is, it’s safe to say, beyond the scope of a debate answer. (In short, the Chinese Web is not simply the digital upgrade of the samizdat; it affords as many tools to the nationalists and zealots in China as it does to those who are liberal-minded.) But nobody in China would argue with part of the former Ambassador’s point: that the Internet generation is “bringing about change,” and it’s not at all clear that the men (and they are overwhelmingly men) who have staked out the vanguard of the nationalist Chinese Web today will still be using the same vocabulary in a year or two, if China’s economy begins to sour.
Shorting China has practically become the conventional wisdom in recent months (which doesn’t speak well of it as a strategy). In a roundup of the bears’ arguments, David Pierson writes this week, “Backed by data showing a slowdown in the world’s second-largest economy, doomsayers have taken center stage. Unbridled optimism has given way to fears over widening cracks in the Chinese economic miracle.”
A slowdown of some kind is one of the few things on which analysts of all sides agree, and the decisive issue is just how far, and how well-managed, it will be. That contains the question with far broader political implications: If China’s economy slows, how will China’s much-discussed “Internet generation” apportion the blame? Will they pin it on the economic disarray in the U.S., inviting greater confrontation, or will zealous defenders of the Chinese people find reason to blame those closer to home?
Nobody yet knows, but it’s a question we may be dealing with soon, if a growing fire sale on real estate continues. In a vivid example, the tech watcher Bill Bishop has posted an e-mail he received the other day for an apartment in a complex with an ominous name: “High floor apartment in Fortune Heights, two hundred and thirty-five square meters, broad North-facing views! Original owner, brand new, never lived in! Dining room, kitchen, bedrooms, all luxury fittings!… Reason to sell: The owner urgently needs twenty million in cash, so is wiling to bite the bullet and sell at a discount!”
Photograph by Scott Olson/Getty Images.
Shorting China has practically become the conventional wisdom in recent months (which doesn’t speak well of it as a strategy). In a roundup of the bears’ arguments, David Pierson writes this week, “Backed by data showing a slowdown in the world’s second-largest economy, doomsayers have taken center stage. Unbridled optimism has given way to fears over widening cracks in the Chinese economic miracle.”
A slowdown of some kind is one of the few things on which analysts of all sides agree, and the decisive issue is just how far, and how well-managed, it will be. That contains the question with far broader political implications: If China’s economy slows, how will China’s much-discussed “Internet generation” apportion the blame? Will they pin it on the economic disarray in the U.S., inviting greater confrontation, or will zealous defenders of the Chinese people find reason to blame those closer to home?
Nobody yet knows, but it’s a question we may be dealing with soon, if a growing fire sale on real estate continues. In a vivid example, the tech watcher Bill Bishop has posted an e-mail he received the other day for an apartment in a complex with an ominous name: “High floor apartment in Fortune Heights, two hundred and thirty-five square meters, broad North-facing views! Original owner, brand new, never lived in! Dining room, kitchen, bedrooms, all luxury fittings!… Reason to sell: The owner urgently needs twenty million in cash, so is wiling to bite the bullet and sell at a discount!”
Photograph by Scott Olson/Getty Images.
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China's sway runs deep in Myanmar's ancient capital
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MANDALAY, Myanmar | Wed Nov 30, 2011 4:06am EST
(Reuters) - The stalls of Mandalay's biggest market are lined with Chinese-made clothes, appliances and cosmetics -- a clear sign of the grip Myanmar's giant neighbor has over the city."You think of me as Chinese, right?" said Xiao Wei, one of many ethnic Chinese merchants at the Zeigyo market in Mandalay, a bustling city and former royal capital in central Myanmar.
"When I am in China, no one believes I am a foreigner until they see my passport," said Wei, a member of a community from northeast Myanmar whose descendants moved there from China hundreds of years ago.
Chinese influence in Mynamar is in the spotlight as U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton arrives there on Wednesday for a visit that could do much to end its isolation and ease it away from its reliance on its northern neighbor.
That influence has been particularly strong in Mandalay, perched beside the broad Irrawaddy River, 264 km (165 miles) southwest of the border with China's Yunnan province.
Ethnic Chinese families have lived in the city for generations and Chinese dialects are commonly heard. Many shop signs and advertisements are in Chinese.
But relations between the neighbors have not always been cozy. As elsewhere in Southeast Asia, an age-old suspicion of China runs deep.
Anti-Chinese riots erupted in the 1960s and for years afterwards China supported communist guerrillas battling Mynamar's military government from northern hills.
But after the United States imposed sanctions on the country, also known as Burma, after a military crackdown on student-led democracy protests in 1988, Mandalay, and Myanmar itself, slipped deep into China's embrace.
Now many ordinary people feet stifled by that and analysts say Myanmar's rulers, including its military men who have officially handed power to a civilian government, want to loosen their dependence on China and balance out foreign relations.
That's why Clinton should get a warm welcome when she visits the capital, Naypyitaw, and main city Yangon.
Her trip follows a decision by U.S. President Barack Obama to open the door to expanded ties, saying he saw "flickers of progress" after reforms by the government that took office in March.
While for many in Myanmar, from hardline generals to reformers and pro-democracy campaigners, China has become a symbol of angst, it is bound to remain hugely influential, no matter how warm relations with the United States might grow.
Chinese money is financing new ports, highways and dams across the resource-rich country of 50 million people. Those projects underpin more than $14 billion of pledged Chinese investment for the fiscal year ending in March, making China by far the biggest investor in Myanmar.
But in a sign Myanmar wants a little less of China, President Thein Sein in late September halted construction of a $3.6 billion dam being built by China in northern Myanmar because of public anger over its impact downstream on the Irrawaddy, seen as a holy river.
OPPORTUNITIES IN ANCIENT CAPITAL
Once home to English writer George Orwell, Mandalay was heavily bombed during the Japanese occupation in World War Two. When Allied forces re-took the city in 1945, snipers fought running battles in the grid-like streets.
The city, under the shadow of Mandalay Hill and a giant Buddha statue at the top, was home to Myanmar's royal court until the last king was deposed and exiled by the British in the 1880s.
Though the monarchy was banished, Mandalay remained the centre for Buddhism and about 60 percent of Myanmar's monks are said to live in the city.
It also provides an insight into China's sway over Myanmar.
Shops in the ancient monastic centre are packed with Chinese businessmen, many of them seeking their fortune in jade and other gemstones dug from Myanmar mines.
Wang Yihong, from China's Jiangxi province, said he had invested $1 million in a gold mine about 150 km (100 miles) from Mandalay.
"There are definitely business opportunities," the 51-year-old businessman, puffing on a cigarette, said at Mandalay airport after arriving on a flight from China's Kunming city.
"Burma is rich in resources and China needs these resources."
According to official figures, there are 400,000 ethnic Chinese in Mandalay province, including 70,000 in the city, but researchers said the real number could be much higher because many Chinese have registered themselves as Burmese.
Whatever their numbers, it's clear that the Chinese, whether newly arrived or residents for generations, are better off than ethnic Burmans. It's the Chinese own villas on the outskirts of the city and visit its upmarket shops.
Chin Han, a motorcycle taxi driver dressed in a traditional Burmese sarong, said he could make a better living if he spoke a Chinese language.
"I'm making $200 a month now, but if I could speak Chinese, I think I could make at least $300 a month," he said, waiting for customers in the shade of a tree.
"That's why I've sent one of my sons to learn Chinese. Chinese people are really hard workers, while we Burmese people spend too much time on tea and drinks, and even pray. Maybe we should learn something from the Chinese."
GEMS FOR SALE
In the city's gem market, sellers are often indigenous Burmese wearing sarongs and slippers. Chunks of the milky green stone are on display at stand after stand.
The buyers are usually Chinese, wearing trousers and shoes, who sit at long flat tables, checking the jade with small flashlights and bottles of water with a little holes in the top to wet the stones and judge quality.
Once a deal is made, a bundle of kyat, Myanmar's currency, is exchanged.
"We buy the jade here but the processing here is not good enough, so we take the jade to Guangzhou to process and resell," said a Chinese merchant from Guangdong province near Hong Kong, who only gave his family name Li.
There are many Chinese schools in Mandalay.
Feng Huaiwei, an administrator at one of them, said he had suffered discrimination for many years.
"Things for Chinese here are getting much better," he said. Behind him, Chinese proverbs hung from the wall, and there were notices inviting students to join winter camps in China.
While Mandalay is peaceful, distrust of China and the Chinese simmers.
Dan Na, a 32-year-old woman chatting with friends at a temple, said she did not respect the Chinese even if they were more prosperous.
"They are not Buddhists, not Christians, they just make money," said Dan Na, wearing thanaka on her face, a yellowish-white cosmetic paste made from ground bark.
Speaking broken English, Dan Na said she sold fruit on the streets for a living but she took comfort from her religion.
"I believe in Buddha and my next life will be great."
(Writing by Raju Gopalakrishnan; Editing by Dean Yates and Robert Birsel)
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We welcome comments that advance the story through relevant opinion, anecdotes, links and data. If you see a comment that you believe is irrelevant or inappropriate, you can flag it to our editors by using the report abuse links. Views expressed in the comments do not represent those of Reuters. For more information on our comment policy, see http://blogs.reuters.com/fulldisclosure/2010/09/27/toward-a-more-thoughtful-conversation-on-stories/
Comments (5)
walkwithtwofeet wrote:
“market lined with Chinese-made clothes, appliances and cosmetics.” How is this different than anywhere else in the world? so they have a Walmart!
Nov 30, 2011 2:08am EST -- Report as abuse
Pterosaur wrote:
The purpose of this article is to spur anti-chinese ethnic sentiment in Myanmar. Myanmar is a multi-ethnic country with very diverse and few so-called dominant ethnics. They have lived there for generations with harmony.As everywhere some Politicians go, they export with them the hatred and division. Very sad… Good luck to Myanmar…
Nov 30, 2011 10:33am EST -- Report as abuse
Pterosaur wrote:
Question to the author of this article: Do you feel bad when you see Chinese, Spanish, or Indian signs on the US streets?
Nov 30, 2011 10:50am EST -- Report as abuse
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- December 3, 2011, 6:13 PM IST
Elephant in Room for Dalai Lama: China
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- Comments
- Rascals, rogues and ruffians of the Wall Street Journal and their blog, INDIAREALTIME, have censored my following legitimate comment. No wonder, I call them "The Wall Shit Journal."
- Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, the first and a long time prime minister of India, allowed Dalai Lama to enter India and establish himself as a Tibetan government in exile. For some reasons, known only to him, he also became communist China's sponsor to UNSC seat. At that time, Nehru created a world problem. The seat carried a veto power.All is well that ends well, Oops, a deep pit, Oops, a deep gorge. India obtained her freedom from British in 1947 and Chang Kai-Shek was forced by Mao Zedong to run to Taiwan in 1948.
Chiang Kai-shek (October 31, 1887 – April 5, 1975) was a political and military leader of 20th century China. He is known as Jiǎng Jièshí or Jiǎng Zhōngzhèng in Mandarin.
Chiang was an influential member of the Nationalist Party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and was a close ally of Sun Yat-sen. He became the Commandant of the Kuomintang's Whampoa Military Academy, and took Sun's place as leader of the KMT when Sun died in 1925. In 1926, Chiang led the Northern Expedition to unify the country, becoming China's nominal leader.[3] He served as Chairman of the National Military Council of the Nationalist government of the Republic of China (ROC) from 1928 to 1948. Chiang led China in the Second Sino-Japanese War, during which the Nationalist government's power severely weakened, but his prominence grew. Unlike Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek was socially conservative, promoting traditional Chinese culture in the New Life Movement and rejecting western democracy and the nationalist democratic socialism that Sun Yet-sen and some other members of the KMT embraced in favor of a nationalist authoritarian government.
Chiang's predecessor, Sun Yat-sen, was well-liked and respected by the Communists, but after Sun's death Chiang was not able to maintain good relations with the Communists. A major split between the Nationalists and and Communists occurred in 1927; and, under Chiang's leadership, the Nationalists fought a nation-wide civil war against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). After Japan invaded China in 1937, Chiang agreed to a temporary truce with the CCP. Despite some early cooperative military successes against Japan, by the time that the Japanese surrendered in 1945 neither the CCP nor the KMT trusted each other or were actively cooperating. After American-sponsored attempts to negotiate a coalition government failed in 1946, the Chinese Civil War resumed. The CCP defeated the Nationalists in 1949, forcing Chiang's government to retreat to Taiwan, where Chiang imposed martial law and persecuted people critical of his rule in a period known as the "White Terror". After evacuating to Taiwan, Chiang's government continued to declare its intention to retake mainland China. Chiang ruled the island securely as the self-appointed President of the Republic of China and Director-General of the Kuomintang until his death in 1975.
President Nixon made communist China a friend of America. Trying to have an ally against USSR. China attacked India over disputed territory and that event was so humiliating for Nehru that he died soon of a heart failure.
Ever since, India and China became adversaries in every respect. No matter what is the current foreign policies of these two neighboring countries. India is no match to the world position and power, both military and economic. In such a delicate situation, my personal opinion is that Dalai Lama affair of the past must be ended soon. Today is soon enough.
...and I am Sid Harth@arabuhuru.org
By Tom Wright and Margherita Stancati
The Dalai Lama spoke Saturday at Penguin Books India’s annual lecture in New Delhi, but with ground rules: No political questions.
His Holiness says he no longer sees himself as a political figure and, while speaking at New Delhi’s India Habitat Centre, kept to spiritual matters rather than get embroiled in discussions about China’s displeasure at his presence here.
Tibetan Buddhism’s spiritual leader gave an hour-long speech on “The Art of Happiness” to a packed auditorium of Indians, expatriates, and Tibetan exiles.
It was a customary sparkling performance, encompassing examples of how to maintain joy in the face of adversity. At one point, he used a personal example, saying how in 2008, when faced by heightened Chinese opposition to his presence in India, he tried to remain compassionate toward “hard-line Chinese officials,” which stopped him getting angry and unhappy.
But he generally kept clear of politics in a meandering speech laced with his hearty laugh that touched on vegetarianism, his earlier gall-bladder problems and globalization.
The Dalai Lama’s reticence to talk politics comes after he stood down earlier this year as the political leader of Tibet’s government-in-exile, which is based in the Indian Himalayan town of Dharamsala. ”I’ve already retired from political responsibility,” he said in response to a question about the no-politics ground rules on Saturday. “I usually say, now I’ve retired.”
Today, if someone asks tough questions about China, “I have more freedom. If I want to answer, I answer,” he said. He gestured to Lobsang Sangay, a Harvard scholar who recently took over the political leadership of the Tibetan government-in-exile, and who was sitting in the front row.
But the Dalai Lama’s skirting of China’s belligerence towards him–they consider him a separatist–belied the fact this trip has rekindled tensions between India and China. First, Beijing was upset the Dalai Lama’s arrival in New Delhi earlier this week coincided with a planned visit to India’s capital by a senior Chinese foreign ministry official. Beijing last week called off that trip in protest.
Then, on Wednesday, at an international Buddhist conference in New Delhi, at which the Dalai Lama was the guest of honor, participants agreed to set up a new organization based in India to bring together different schools of Buddhism. That was a challenge to China, which has tried to position itself as the global sponsor of international Buddhism through its World Buddhist Forum, which since 2006 has held two major international meetings.
China has successfully lobbied for countries within its sphere of influence to prevent the Dalai Lama from attending public events. South African authorities in October in effect denied His Holiness a visa to travel there to attend Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s 80th birthday.
But India–home to the Dalai Lama since his exile from Tibet in 1959 in the wake of a Chinese crackdown–is openly challenging China’s pressure, as the spiritual leader’s series of appearances this week in India make apparent. On Thursday, he gave an address in Kolkata with leading politicians from West Bengal state in attendance, despite China’s alleged demands in a letter to the state secretary for them to boycott it.
Indian officials say their country is a democracy, unlike China, and won’t stop him from appearing in public. But at the same time, India does not want its fondness for the Dalai Lama to destabilize its wary friendship with China, with whom it has a burgeoning trade relationship.
China and Indian defense officials are scheduled to meet next week in New Delhi for an annual defense dialogue.
Last year’s dialogue was canceled amid a row over China’s refusal to give a visa to a senior Indian general. Since then, the frostiness has thawed, in large part due to Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s visit to India last December to push trade ties.
But Tibetan Buddhism remains a thorn in relations.
The Dalai Lama spoke Saturday at Penguin Books India’s annual lecture in New Delhi, but with ground rules: No political questions.

- Associated Press
- The Dalai Lama gestured during a speech in New Delhi on Friday.
Tibetan Buddhism’s spiritual leader gave an hour-long speech on “The Art of Happiness” to a packed auditorium of Indians, expatriates, and Tibetan exiles.
It was a customary sparkling performance, encompassing examples of how to maintain joy in the face of adversity. At one point, he used a personal example, saying how in 2008, when faced by heightened Chinese opposition to his presence in India, he tried to remain compassionate toward “hard-line Chinese officials,” which stopped him getting angry and unhappy.
But he generally kept clear of politics in a meandering speech laced with his hearty laugh that touched on vegetarianism, his earlier gall-bladder problems and globalization.
The Dalai Lama’s reticence to talk politics comes after he stood down earlier this year as the political leader of Tibet’s government-in-exile, which is based in the Indian Himalayan town of Dharamsala. ”I’ve already retired from political responsibility,” he said in response to a question about the no-politics ground rules on Saturday. “I usually say, now I’ve retired.”
Today, if someone asks tough questions about China, “I have more freedom. If I want to answer, I answer,” he said. He gestured to Lobsang Sangay, a Harvard scholar who recently took over the political leadership of the Tibetan government-in-exile, and who was sitting in the front row.
But the Dalai Lama’s skirting of China’s belligerence towards him–they consider him a separatist–belied the fact this trip has rekindled tensions between India and China. First, Beijing was upset the Dalai Lama’s arrival in New Delhi earlier this week coincided with a planned visit to India’s capital by a senior Chinese foreign ministry official. Beijing last week called off that trip in protest.
Then, on Wednesday, at an international Buddhist conference in New Delhi, at which the Dalai Lama was the guest of honor, participants agreed to set up a new organization based in India to bring together different schools of Buddhism. That was a challenge to China, which has tried to position itself as the global sponsor of international Buddhism through its World Buddhist Forum, which since 2006 has held two major international meetings.
China has successfully lobbied for countries within its sphere of influence to prevent the Dalai Lama from attending public events. South African authorities in October in effect denied His Holiness a visa to travel there to attend Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s 80th birthday.
But India–home to the Dalai Lama since his exile from Tibet in 1959 in the wake of a Chinese crackdown–is openly challenging China’s pressure, as the spiritual leader’s series of appearances this week in India make apparent. On Thursday, he gave an address in Kolkata with leading politicians from West Bengal state in attendance, despite China’s alleged demands in a letter to the state secretary for them to boycott it.
Indian officials say their country is a democracy, unlike China, and won’t stop him from appearing in public. But at the same time, India does not want its fondness for the Dalai Lama to destabilize its wary friendship with China, with whom it has a burgeoning trade relationship.
China and Indian defense officials are scheduled to meet next week in New Delhi for an annual defense dialogue.
Last year’s dialogue was canceled amid a row over China’s refusal to give a visa to a senior Indian general. Since then, the frostiness has thawed, in large part due to Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s visit to India last December to push trade ties.
But Tibetan Buddhism remains a thorn in relations.
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发布 2011年12月3日 , 由管理员
来自中国的信
由埃文奥斯诺斯发稿。
2011年11月29日
亨斯迈,中国和熊
发表埃文奥斯诺斯
在11月12日共和党总统候选人辩论中,美国前驻中国大使洪博培建议 ,美国“应该伸出我们的盟国和在中国的选区。 他们被称为年轻人。 他们被称为互联网的一代... ...他们带来改变的喜欢,这是中国。“两个星期后,他的“走中国羽绒”的提法仍ricocheting北京周边地区,更是一个比任何实质性的分歧反映了中国的不安全感。 调查由“环球时报”,应该看到调查结果显示,完全不作为,但扩音器一定的思想境界,展示几件事情:顶线的结果,是标准的受访者三分之二的“拒绝“亨斯迈的预测,但更令人惊讶的的是事实,40%相信他的声明反映了美 国现有的政策。 “当记者问什么手段华盛顿部署以”中国“通过互联网,25%的人选择挑起社会矛盾,23%回升培养持不同政见者和21.8%,鼓吹西方的政治价值观选 择,”写了起来,其中新增,好措施,外国政策专家指出,美国“政治家应该花更多的时间,解决自己的问题,如正在进行的占领华尔街运动,。”
更 充分与否,中国的互联网一代的问题的答案,将“中国羽绒”,说超越了辩论的答案范围,它的安全。 (总之,中国互联网是不是简单的samizdat数字化升级,它可以提供许多工具在中国的民族主义者和痴迷者,因为它没有那些自由主义思想的),但在中国 没有人会认为部分的前大使的点:的互联网一代是“带来变革,”和它的不完全清楚,的男人他们是绝大多数男人谁已放样出的民族主义中国网站今天的先锋队将仍 然是使用相同的在一年或两年的词汇,如果中国的经济开始变味。
短路中国实际上已经成为近几个月来的传统智慧(不谈论它作为一项战略)。 大卫皮尔森在熊“的论点综述, 写这一周 ,“备份数据显示,在世界上第二大经济体的增长放缓,doomsayers采取的中心舞台。 肆无忌惮的乐观已让位给担心超过扩大在中国的经济奇迹的裂缝。“
某 种放缓的几件事情上各方的分析师同意之一,决定性的问题是多远,以及如何管理,这将是。 这包含与更广泛的政治影响的问题:如果中国经济增长放缓,如何将中国的讨论得最多的“互联网一代”分摊的责任? 他们将针在美国的经济混乱,邀请更大的对抗,或将中国人民的热情捍卫者找理由指责那些离家较近的吗?
没有人知道,但是这是一个问题,我们可能会很快处理,如果对房地产的增长甩卖继续。 一个生动的例子,高科技观察家条例草案主教已发布的一封电子邮件 ,他收到的一天,在一个复杂的公寓,一个不祥的名字:“财富高地的高楼层公寓,两个一百三十五个平方米,广泛北面临的意见! 原来的主人,全新的,从来没有住在! 餐厅,厨房,卧室,所有的奢侈品配件... ...卖的原因:雇主急需20万元现金,所以愿意硬着头皮打折出售“!
照片斯科特奥尔森/ Getty图像。
短路中国实际上已经成为近几个月来的传统智慧(不谈论它作为一项战略)。 大卫皮尔森在熊“的论点综述, 写这一周 ,“备份数据显示,在世界上第二大经济体的增长放缓,doomsayers采取的中心舞台。 肆无忌惮的乐观已让位给担心超过扩大在中国的经济奇迹的裂缝。“
某 种放缓的几件事情上各方的分析师同意之一,决定性的问题是多远,以及如何管理,这将是。 这包含与更广泛的政治影响的问题:如果中国经济增长放缓,如何将中国的讨论得最多的“互联网一代”分摊的责任? 他们将针在美国的经济混乱,邀请更大的对抗,或将中国人民的热情捍卫者找理由指责那些离家较近的吗?
没有人知道,但是这是一个问题,我们可能会很快处理,如果对房地产的增长甩卖继续。 一个生动的例子,高科技观察家条例草案主教已发布的一封电子邮件 ,他收到的一天,在一个复杂的公寓,一个不祥的名字:“财富高地的高楼层公寓,两个一百三十五个平方米,广泛北面临的意见! 原来的主人,全新的,从来没有住在! 餐厅,厨房,卧室,所有的奢侈品配件... ...卖的原因:雇主急需20万元现金,所以愿意硬着头皮打折出售“!
照片斯科特奥尔森/ Getty图像。
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中国的挥洒运行在缅甸的古都深
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曼德勒,缅甸|星期三11月30日,2011年美国东部时间上午04:06
(路透社) - 曼德勒最大的市场摊位一字排开与中国制造的服装,家电和化妆品 - 握缅甸的巨人邻居的一个明显标志,在城市上空。“你认为我作为一个中国人,对不对?”肖巍说,许多的华裔商人在曼德勒Zeigyo市场,缅甸中部一个繁华的城市和前皇家资本。
“当我在中国 ,没有人相信我是外国人,直到他们看到我的护照,说:“魏,从缅甸东北,其后裔从数百年前,中国移动有一个社区的成员。
在Mynamar中国的影响是在聚光灯下,美国国务卿希拉里克林顿周三到达那里访问,可以做很多工作来结束其隔离,并缓解了其北方邻国的依赖。
影响特别强,在曼德勒,背倚广阔的伊洛瓦底江旁,与中国云南省接壤的西南264公里(165英里)。
华人家庭都住在几代中国方言的城市是经常听到。 在中国许多店铺的招牌和广告。
但邻国之间的关系并不总是舒适。 在东南亚其他地方一样,是中国古老的猜疑根深蒂固。
在20世纪60年代爆发反中国暴动和年后,中国支持共产党游击队作战Mynamar从北部山区的军政府。
但征收的国家,仅次于美国的制裁,也为缅甸,后一个军事镇压学生领导的民主运动在1988年,曼德勒,缅甸本身,溜进了中国的怀抱深。
现在许多普通百姓的脚扼杀和分析家说,缅甸的统治者,包括其正式移交权力给一个文人政府的军人,要放松对中国的依赖和平衡外交关系。
这就是为什么克林顿应该得到热烈的欢迎,当她访问的首都内比都,和主要城市仰光。
她的行程如下决定由美国总统奥巴马开门扩大的关系,他说,他看到发生在3月就职的政府改革后的“进展闪烁”。
虽然许多缅甸,从强硬的将军改革派和亲民主运动的倡导者,中国已成为一个焦虑的象征,它必然保持巨大影响力的,无论多么温暖与美国的关系可能会增长。
中国人的钱是融资新的港口,公路和水坝,跨越50万人的资源丰富的国家。 这些项目支撑,在3月结束的财政年的承诺中国投资14亿美元以上,使得中国远在缅甸最大的投资者。
但有迹象显示缅甸希望一点点的中国,总统登盛于九月下旬停止建设被内置在缅甸北部,中国由于公众对伊洛瓦底江其影响被视为一个神圣的河流下游,感到愤怒一个36亿美元的大坝。
在古都的机会
一旦英国作家乔治奥威尔,曼德勒沉重轰炸日本在二战期间占领。 当盟军在1945年重新走上城市,狙击手战斗在网格状的街道正在运行的战役。
市,曼德勒山,一个巨大的佛像在顶部的阴影下,缅甸的宫廷,直到最后一个国王被废黜,在19世纪80年代由英国流亡。
虽然君主被放逐,曼德勒仍然对佛教的中心,并说,缅甸的僧侣,约60%居住在城市。
它还提供了一个洞察到中国对缅甸的挥洒。
在古老的寺院中心与中国商人包装的商店,许多玉石和其他宝石寻求他们的财富来自缅甸的地雷挖出。
王伊红,来自中国江西省,说他从曼德勒约150公里(100英里)的一个金矿投资100万美元的。
51岁的商人,上一根烟膨化,说:“绝对有商机,”后在曼德勒机场抵港航班从中国的昆明城市。
“缅甸资源丰富,中国需要这些资源。”
据官方数字,有40万中国人在曼德勒省,包括在城市中的70000,但研究人员说,因为许多中国人已登记为缅甸自己真正的数字可能会高得多。
无论他们的数字,很明显,中国,无论是新来港定居或几代人的居民,都优于民族缅。 这是中国人自己的别墅,在城市郊区,并参观其高档商店。
秦汉,身着传统的缅甸纱笼一个摩托车出租车司机说,如果他谈到了中国的语言,他可以做出更好的生活。
他说:“我每月200元,但如果我能说中国话,我觉得我能至少每月300元,守候在树荫下,为客户。
他说:“这就是为什么我发送我的一个儿子学习中文。 中国人确有困难的工人,而我们缅甸人民的茶和饮料上花太多时间,甚至祈祷。 也许我们应该从中国学习的东西。“
销售全球环境监测系统为
在城市的创业板市场中,卖方往往是缅甸土著穿着围裙和拖鞋。 乳白色绿色的石头块上立场的立场后显示。
购房者通常是中国人,穿长裤和鞋子,坐在长平表,检查小手电筒和瓶装水,在上面一点点湿的石块和法官素质的孔玉。
一旦交易,捆绑,缅甸货币缅元交换。
“我们这里买玉,但此处的处理不够好,所以我们采取的玉到广州来处理和转售,说:”中国商人从广东省靠近香港,他只给了他的家人的名字李。
在曼德勒有很多中国学校。
丰Huaiwei,在其中一个管理员说,他遭受了多年的歧视。
“为中国的东西都变得更好,”他说。 在他身后,从墙上挂着中国谚语,并有告示,邀请学生参加在中国冬令营。
虽然曼德勒是和平的,中国的不信任和中国的蕴积。
丹娜,32岁的女子与朋友在一个寺庙聊天,说她不尊重中国人,即使他们更加繁荣。
丹娜说:“他们不是佛教徒,不是基督徒,他们只是赚钱,戴在她的脸,一个黄白色的地面树皮制成的化妆品粘贴thanaka。
说起蹩脚的英语,丹娜说,她在街头出售水果生活,但她从她的宗教舒适。
“我相信佛和我的未来生活将是巨大的的。”
(通过写拉朱戈帕拉克里希南 ;编辑院长Yates和罗伯特Birsel )
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阅读这篇文章后,人们也看到:
- 克林顿的原因几乎不小的轰动,在缅甸的好奇资本11月30日,2011年
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- 克林顿提供缅甸改革的第一个奖励,2011年12月1
- 洪都拉斯轮流军队战斗贩毒团伙 ,2011年11月30日
- 大使馆的攻击 2011年11月30日, 英国驱逐伊朗外交官后
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汤森路透是世界上最大的国际多媒体新闻机构, 提供投资新闻 ,国际新闻,商业新闻,科技新闻,头条新闻,小企业的新闻,新闻快讯,个人理财,股市和共同基金信息Reuters.com 视频 , 手机 ,互动电视平台。 汤姆森路透社记者,一个编辑手册 ,需要公平地列报和披露有关利益。
纽约证券交易所和美国证券交易所报价延迟至少20分钟。 纳斯达克延迟至少15分钟。 对于一个完整的交流和延误的列表,请点击这里。
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- 2011年12月3日,北京时间下午06:13
达赖喇嘛的房间中的大象:中国
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- 流氓,无赖和华尔街日报“和他们的博客,INDIAREALTIME的地痞,审查我以下的合法评论。 难怪,我把它们称为“华尔街妈的杂志。”
- 权威人士贾瓦哈拉尔尼赫鲁,第一,印度总理很长一段时间,允许达赖喇嘛进入印度市场,并确立自己在“西藏流亡政府”。 对于某些原因,只有他知道,他也成为了中国共产主义安理会席位的赞助商。 当时,尼赫鲁创造了一个世界性的问题。 座椅进行一票否决权。一切都很好,就一切都好,哎呀,深基坑,哎呀,一个深深的峡谷。 印度从英国获得了她的自由,在1947年,张蒋介石,毛泽东被迫运行在1948年到台湾。
蒋介石(1887年10月31日 - 1975年4月5日)是20世纪中国的政治和军事领导人。 他被称为Jiǎng碣石山或Jiǎng中正普通话。
蒋 介石国民党,国民党的一个有影响力的成员,是孙中山的亲密盟友。 他成为国民党的黄埔军校校长,作为国民党领袖太阳的地方,当Sun在1925年去世。 1926年,蒋介石领导的北伐统一全国,成为中国的名义领袖。[3]他从1928年到1948年的国家中华人民共和国(中华民国)国民政府军事委员会主席 担任。 在第二次中日战争,蒋介石领导的中国,在此期间,国民党政府的权力受到严重削弱,但他的突出增长。 不同于孙中山,蒋介石是保守的社会,促进中国传统文化在新生活运动和拒绝西方的民主和民族主义的民主社会主义,孙中山和国民党的一些其他成员拥抱赞成一个 民族主义者独裁政府。
蒋介石的前身,孙中山,深受喜爱和共产党的尊重,但后Sun的死亡蒋介石与共产党能够保持良好的关系。 国民党和共产党之间的一个大分裂发生在1927年,蒋介石的领导下,国民党反对中国共产党(CCP)的一个全国性的内战。 在1937年日本侵略中国后,蒋介石同意与中共的临时停火协议。 尽管一些早期的合作对日本的军事胜利,既不是中共还是国民党的时间,1945年日本投降的相互信任,或积极合作。 联合政府进行谈判后,美国发起的企图失败,于1946年,中国内战恢复。 中共在1949年击败国民党,迫使蒋介石政府撤退到台湾,其中蒋实施戒严和迫害的人,他的统治称为“白色恐怖”时期的关键。 撤离到台湾后,蒋介石政府宣布,它打算重新夺回中国大陆。 蒋介石统治的岛屿安全,直到他去世于1975年,中华人民共和国和总干事的国民党自封总统。
尼克松总统提出的共产主义中国的美国朋友。 试图对苏联的盟友。 中国攻击印度有争议的领土,这一事件使尼赫鲁的羞辱,他不久就去世心脏衰竭。
以来,印度和中国在各方面都成为对手。 无论是什么,目前这两个邻国的外交政策。 印度是世界上的地位和权力,军事和经济两方面的匹配。 在这样一个微妙的的情况下,我个人的看法是,达赖喇嘛过去的事,必须尽快结束。 今天是很快。
... ...我希德Harth@arabuhuru.org
印度实时主页 »
由Tom Wright和玛格丽特Stancati
达赖喇嘛周六企鹅图书印度在新德里举行的年度演讲发言,但基本规则:任何政治问题。
法王说,他不再认为自己作为一个政治人物,而在新德里的印度居中心,保持属灵的事,而不是卷入在这里讨论他的存在对中国的不满。
藏传佛教的精神领袖了一个长达一小时的“幸福的艺术”的印度人挤满礼堂,外籍人士和流亡藏人的演讲。
这是一个习惯的闪闪发光的性能,包括如何在逆境中保持喜悦的例子。 在一个点上,他用个人的例子,说在2008年,面对加剧中国的反对,他在印度时,他试图保持体恤朝“强硬的中国官员,”停止他生气和不满。
但他一般保持明确的政治,在他爽朗的笑声触及素食,他早期的胆囊问题和全球化股价一条蜿蜒讲话。
达赖喇嘛讲政治的顾虑后,他站在今年早些时候,作为西藏政府流亡,这是基于在印度喜马拉雅山脉的达兰萨拉镇的政治领袖。 “他说:”我已经从政治责任退休了,在一个没有政治的基本规则上周六问题。 “我通常会说,现在我已经退休了。”
今天,如果有人问关于中国的棘手问题,“我有更大的自由度。 如果我想先回答,我回答,“他说。 他指着洛桑桑盖,最近接管了西藏流亡政府政府的政治领导,谁是坐在前排的一位哈佛学者。
但达赖喇嘛的中国对好战踢脚他,他们认为他是一个分裂,掩盖事实,此行已经重新燃起了中国和印度之间的紧张关系。 首先,北京是破坏达赖喇嘛在本周早些时候抵达正好与计划由一位资深的中国外交部官员访问印度首都新德里。 北京上周呼吁,抗议之旅。
然后,周三,在国际佛教会议在新德里,达赖喇嘛的座上客,与会者一致同意成立一个新机构,设在印度的汇集不同学校的佛教。 这是中国,一直试图将自己定位为国际佛教通过其世界佛教论坛,自2006年以来已经举行了两次大型国际会议的全球赞助商本身的挑战。
中国已经成功地游说各国自己的势力范围内,以防止出席公众活动的达赖喇嘛,南非当局在十月生效否认法王签证前往那里参加德斯蒙德图图大主教的80岁生日。
但是,印度家庭对达赖喇嘛,因为他在1959年从西藏流亡在一个中国的镇压,是公然挑战中国的压力之后,作为精神领袖的系列亮相本周在印度明显。 上周四,他在加尔各答的地址,与领先的西孟加拉邦在出席国家的政治家,尽管他们抵制的国务秘书的信中指称中国的要求。
印度官员说,他们的国家是一个民主国家,不像中国,并不会阻止他出现在公共场合。 但同时,印度不希望达赖喇嘛的喜爱动摇警惕与中国的友谊,谁给它有一个蓬勃发展的贸易关系。
中国和印度国防部官员将于下周开会年度国防对话在新德里。
在一片对中国拒绝给予签证的一名高级印度一般行去年的对话被取消。 从那时起,frostiness已经解冻,在很大程度上是由于中国国务院总理温家宝访问印度去年12月,推动经贸关系。
但藏传佛教的关系仍然是一个刺。
达赖喇嘛周六企鹅图书印度在新德里举行的年度演讲发言,但基本规则:任何政治问题。

- 美联社
- 上周五,达赖在新德里发表讲话时手势。
藏传佛教的精神领袖了一个长达一小时的“幸福的艺术”的印度人挤满礼堂,外籍人士和流亡藏人的演讲。
这是一个习惯的闪闪发光的性能,包括如何在逆境中保持喜悦的例子。 在一个点上,他用个人的例子,说在2008年,面对加剧中国的反对,他在印度时,他试图保持体恤朝“强硬的中国官员,”停止他生气和不满。
但他一般保持明确的政治,在他爽朗的笑声触及素食,他早期的胆囊问题和全球化股价一条蜿蜒讲话。
达赖喇嘛讲政治的顾虑后,他站在今年早些时候,作为西藏政府流亡,这是基于在印度喜马拉雅山脉的达兰萨拉镇的政治领袖。 “他说:”我已经从政治责任退休了,在一个没有政治的基本规则上周六问题。 “我通常会说,现在我已经退休了。”
今天,如果有人问关于中国的棘手问题,“我有更大的自由度。 如果我想先回答,我回答,“他说。 他指着洛桑桑盖,最近接管了西藏流亡政府政府的政治领导,谁是坐在前排的一位哈佛学者。
但达赖喇嘛的中国对好战踢脚他,他们认为他是一个分裂,掩盖事实,此行已经重新燃起了中国和印度之间的紧张关系。 首先,北京是破坏达赖喇嘛在本周早些时候抵达正好与计划由一位资深的中国外交部官员访问印度首都新德里。 北京上周呼吁,抗议之旅。
然后,周三,在国际佛教会议在新德里,达赖喇嘛的座上客,与会者一致同意成立一个新机构,设在印度的汇集不同学校的佛教。 这是中国,一直试图将自己定位为国际佛教通过其世界佛教论坛,自2006年以来已经举行了两次大型国际会议的全球赞助商本身的挑战。
中国已经成功地游说各国自己的势力范围内,以防止出席公众活动的达赖喇嘛,南非当局在十月生效否认法王签证前往那里参加德斯蒙德图图大主教的80岁生日。
但是,印度家庭对达赖喇嘛,因为他在1959年从西藏流亡在一个中国的镇压,是公然挑战中国的压力之后,作为精神领袖的系列亮相本周在印度明显。 上周四,他在加尔各答的地址,与领先的西孟加拉邦在出席国家的政治家,尽管他们抵制的国务秘书的信中指称中国的要求。
印度官员说,他们的国家是一个民主国家,不像中国,并不会阻止他出现在公共场合。 但同时,印度不希望达赖喇嘛的喜爱动摇警惕与中国的友谊,谁给它有一个蓬勃发展的贸易关系。
中国和印度国防部官员将于下周开会年度国防对话在新德里。
在一片对中国拒绝给予签证的一名高级印度一般行去年的对话被取消。 从那时起,frostiness已经解冻,在很大程度上是由于中国国务院总理温家宝访问印度去年12月,推动经贸关系。
但藏传佛教的关系仍然是一个刺。
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